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The document details the methodology used to quantify investment risks (governance, financing, physical climate, market, infrastructure, and nature) and attributes (horizon, ticket size, and return) for livestock in Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC). It establishes a scoring system to match these risks with the risk tolerances of various public and private investors, while modeling how different finance and policy strategies (IFS and IFPS) could improve investor suitability. The analysis distinguishes between small-scale farms (2-10 hectares) and large-scale commercial farms (10+ hectares) across Brazil, Argentina, Mexico, and the rest of LAC, noting that small farms are primarily served by public and concessional finance, whereas large farms have better access to commercial private finance.

The report identifies a massive funding gap for sustainable livestock in Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC), where the sector is responsible for approximately 28% of total regional emissions but receives minimal climate investment. It analyzes six key risk categories—governance, financing, physical climate, market, infrastructure, and nature—and finds that public investors are currently the most suitable for the sector due to higher risk tolerance. The roadmap proposes a transition from a 'business-as-usual' reliance on public funds to a diversified capital mix through blended finance, derisking tools (such as first-loss capital and credit guarantees), and policy reforms like natural capital accounting and improved land tenure. It specifically highlights the vulnerability of smallholder farms and the potential for large-scale farms in Brazil and Mexico to attract private investment. The report concludes with recommendations for COP 30 in Brazil to elevate sustainable livestock on the global climate agenda.

The report details a framework of seven indicators designed to evaluate how well non-Annex I countries communicate climate finance needs and strategies in their NDCs to attract private and international capital. The methodology employs a graduated scoring system from 'absent' to 'strong' to measure the 'investability' of these documents. As of May 31, 2025, the framework was applied to 18 non-Annex I parties, comparing their most recent submissions with previous ones to track progress in financial transparency and planning.

The document outlines a comprehensive framework for tracking global climate finance, focusing on real-economy investments in mitigation, adaptation, and dual-benefit activities. It defines a multi-layered taxonomy covering finance origins (domestic, international, indeterminate), actors (public, private, third-sector), and financial instruments. The methodology emphasizes a conservative approach to avoid double counting and carbon lock-in, utilizing a mix of primary project-level data and secondary market-sizing benchmarks from sources like the IEA and BNEF. Key 2025 updates include the integration of Luxembourg Green Exchange bond data, a new project-level hydrogen investment dataset, and the first-time inclusion of 2- and 3-wheeler electric vehicle sales in China and India.

The report analyzes the complementary roles of VCEFs, MDBs, and NDBs in the climate finance architecture, focusing on financial instruments like guarantees, equity, and local currency lending. It identifies systemic barriers such as complex accreditation and slow approval processes and proposes a framework for non-financial collaboration through country platforms, technical assistance, and the creation of enabling policy environments. The document provides a set of short- and mid-term recommendations to harmonize metrics, simplify due diligence, and unlock the potential of NDBs to increase the flow of climate finance to emerging markets and developing economies.

The Corporate Climate Responsibility Monitor 2025 finds that none of the 20 assessed companies demonstrate a climate strategy of 'reasonable' or 'high' integrity. The report highlights that 2030 emission reduction targets are increasingly 'unfit for purpose' due to structural obstacles, including incomplete emissions disclosures and sector-specific accounting malpractices. In the tech sector, soaring energy demand from AI and a reliance on outdated market-based accounting for electricity undermine target credibility. The automotive sector shows inadequate progress in phasing out internal combustion engines, while the fashion sector lacks commitments to reduce overproduction. The agrifood sector is criticised for relying on undefined land-based carbon removals to obscure a lack of structural emission reductions. The report argues for the adoption of transition-specific alignment targets to complement general GHG targets.

The policy brief examines the barriers to phasing out oil and gas within G20 nations, noting that while renewable capacity has grown, fossil fuel subsidies and deep industrial integration persist. It advocates for measurable phase-out targets, subsidy reform, and increased concessional financing for the Global South to ensure a just energy transition.

The document examines the intersection of climate change, gender, and food systems in southern Africa, arguing that climate shocks intensify the burden of unpaid care work disproportionately borne by rural and working-class women. It critiques technocratic, productivity-focused agricultural policies and proposes a framework based on Feminist Ecological Economics and Feminist Political Ecology to reorient food systems around human needs and ecological regeneration. Key recommendations include the redistribution of care work, support for agroecology, and the implementation of gender-responsive fiscal policies.

This report presents guidelines for designing Border Carbon Adjustment (BCA) mechanisms, based on global stakeholder dialogues. It offers specific recommendations on measuring embodied GHG emissions, determining sectoral coverage, managing revenues, and crediting foreign carbon prices. The guidance emphasizes 'parallel treatment' between domestic and foreign producers and suggests mechanisms to support small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) and developing countries in their low-carbon transition, while cautioning against blanket country exemptions to maintain the effectiveness of leakage prevention.

The report examines the evolution of consumer protection from traditional to digital markets, highlighting the 'equivalence principle' where online consumers should receive protection not less than that in other commerce. It analyzes how regional trade agreements (RTAs) and the WTO JSI Agreement on Electronic Commerce incorporate consumer protections, while noting that developing countries, particularly LDCs, often lack the legislative and institutional capacity to enforce these rights. The document recommends that developing countries leverage technology, trade agreements, and international cooperation to build robust digital consumer protection frameworks.

The report details the evolving role of Indigenous Peoples in the Rio Conventions, highlighting a shift from being viewed as stakeholders to recognized rights holders. Key 2024 achievements include the creation of a permanent Subsidiary Body on Article 8(j) under the CBD, the extension of the Local Communities and Indigenous Peoples Platform (LCIPP) mandate under the UNFCCC, and the establishment of two separate caucuses for Indigenous Peoples and local communities under the UNCCD. Despite these procedural gains, the report identifies persistent challenges, including limited direct access to funding and the ongoing tension over the use of human rights language and terminology in international environmental governance.

The report outlines a strategic framework for negotiating protocols under the UN Framework Convention on International Tax Cooperation (UN FCITC). It identifies two 'early protocols'—taxation of cross-border services and the resolution of tax disputes—and several 'potential protocols' covering the digital economy, illicit financial flows, high-net-worth individuals, environmental taxation, information exchange, mutual assistance, and harmful tax practices. The document argues that the UN FCITC can provide a more inclusive and effective alternative to OECD-led initiatives, which often disadvantage developing nations. Key recommendations include establishing a global digital services tax, creating a global asset register for beneficial ownership, implementing a global minimum tax on the super-rich, and developing a coordinated multilateral environmental tax architecture to support net-zero goals.

The report outlines a strategic framework for negotiating protocols under the UN Framework Convention on International Tax Cooperation, focusing on enhancing tax revenue and fairness for developing countries. It details two preliminary protocols—cross-border services and tax dispute resolution—and several potential protocols covering the digital economy, illicit financial flows, high-net-worth individuals, environmental taxation, information exchange, mutual administrative assistance, and harmful tax practices. The document argues for a shift away from OECD-led standards, which it claims often disadvantage developing nations, toward a more inclusive UN-led multilateral architecture.

The document examines the intersection of trade and the bioeconomy, arguing that while international trade can exacerbate biodiversity loss, it can also be leveraged through price-based, support, and regulatory measures to promote sustainability. It highlights the economic significance of biodiversity-based trade and calls for enhanced international cooperation, particularly through the G20, to align policies, remove harmful subsidies, and support low- and middle-income countries in their transition.

The report analyzes the Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs) of climate-vulnerable countries—specifically the Maldives, Kenya, Ethiopia, and Saint Lucia—to provide a blueprint for G20 nations. It highlights best practices such as integrating mitigation, adaptation, and loss and damage into single strategies, and prioritizing climate-resilient development over short-term fossil fuel gains. The document urges G20 members to submit updated NDCs by September 2025 that target at least a 43% emissions reduction by 2030 and 60% by 2035, while scaling up financial support to close a $5.8–5.9 trillion financing gap for developing countries.

The document details how illegal gold mining in the Brazilian Amazon is sustained by a complex network of corrupt politicians, logistics providers, and international smuggling routes for mercury and aviation fuel. It highlights a systemic failure of Brazilian regulatory agencies to coordinate efforts, leading to significant gold exports lacking proper documentation. The report also establishes strong links between illegal mining and other serious crimes, including drug trafficking by organizations like the First Capital Command (PCC), forced labor, and sexual exploitation. Geographically, the illicit activity extends across borders into Guyana, French Guiana, and Venezuela, with specific hotspots identified in Roraima, Rondônia, Pará, and Amapá states.

The Petrogandaprisen 2025 identifies numerous instances of the oil industry's influence in Norway, categorizing nominees into eight areas: education for children and youth, sports, public festivals, campaigns, media and public debate, research, art and culture, and health and humanitarian work. The document argues that companies like Equinor, Vår Energi, and Aker BP use sponsorships and partnerships to create a positive image, target young audiences, and obstruct climate action. Specific examples include Equinor's sponsorship of the First Lego League and the Festspillene i Bergen, Vår Energi's funding of regional sports halls, and Aker BP's 'Rebels' marketing campaigns. The report also criticizes the role of media outlets like NRK and Dagens Næringsliv, as well as research institutions and humanitarian organizations like the Red Cross, for facilitating or ignoring the industry's impact on the climate crisis.

The report analyzes how Brazilian states in the Amazon biome are transitioning from federal dependence to active leadership in forest restoration. While states have successfully implemented mandatory restoration frameworks tied to the Forest Code and pioneered PES and REDD+ programs, the report identifies significant fragmentation. Key barriers include burdensome bureaucracy for native species forestry, a lack of integration with carbon markets (except in Pará), and inconsistent regulations across states that hinder landscape-scale projects. Pará is highlighted as the leader with the most comprehensive framework, including a dedicated State Plan for the Restoration of Native Vegetation.

The author, representing the Union of People Affected by Texaco-now Chevron, asserts that the climate crisis is a result of corporate power and a global system that protects polluters. Using Chevron's actions in Ecuador—including the dumping of 60 billion litres of toxic waste and the use of Investor-State Dispute Settlement (ISDS) systems to evade a US$ 9.5 billion judgment—as a primary example, the text calls for the dismantling of pro-corporate legal frameworks. The author argues that without holding transnational corporations accountable, climate pledges remain hollow, and urges the global climate movement to prioritize justice for affected communities at COP30.

Friends of the Earth International asserts that transnational corporations (TNCs) drive the climate and ecological crises while utilizing an international legal architecture to avoid accountability. The organization advocates for the UN Binding Treaty on Transnational Corporations and Human Rights as a necessary mechanism to prioritize human rights and planetary health over corporate profit. The text specifically denounces the influence of corporate lobbying groups, such as the International Organisation of Employers and the International Chamber of Commerce, which it claims seek to weaken the treaty by promoting voluntary codes of conduct and self-regulation. It emphasizes that climate justice is a human rights struggle led by affected communities, particularly in the Global South, and links the treaty's success to the broader goal of dismantling corporate power ahead of COP30.