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On 7 November, Malagasy political actors agreed to a collegial leadership structure for the transition government, where President Andy Rajoelina shares executive power with two co-presidents from the camps of former Presidents Marc Ravalomanana and Albert Zafy. The agreement requires all three leaders to approve and sign major decisions. The author expresses skepticism about the stability of this 'triumvirate' model, citing a failed historical precedent in Benin and ongoing tensions over strategic ministerial portfolios such as Defense, Finance, and Foreign Affairs. The briefing notes that SADC pressure and the need for credible elections by the end of 2010 are central to the process, while the long-term stability of Madagascar depends on the shifting power dynamics between Rajoelina and Ravalomanana.

The document argues that the exclusion of main opposition parties from three consecutive elections in Benin, driven by a restrictive endorsement requirement in the electoral code, undermines the country's democratic progress and risks triggering civil strife. It highlights a trend in West Africa where incumbents ensure re-election by excluding opponents and calls for African regional organisations to rethink their conflict prevention strategies to consolidate democracy.

The document examines the rapid rate of urbanisation across Africa, highlighting that while urban growth can drive economic diversification, unplanned growth in developing economies often leads to slums and infrastructure stress. It focuses on Nigeria, where rapid urban population growth has outpaced planning, resulting in high slum residency and significant shortages in housing, water, and sanitation. The briefing notes that Nigeria's inability to manage this growth and integrate its large informal economy limits national economic contributions and increases the risk of political and social instability.

This document is a draft agenda for the Twelfth Ordinary Session of the Assembly of the African Union, scheduled for February 1-3, 2009, in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia.

The document details a seminar on the African Union's (AU) response to unconstitutional changes of government, specifically military coups. It evaluates the Lomé Declaration and the AU's consistency in applying sanctions, while proposing reforms to address poor governance and presidential term limits to prevent future instability.

The report provides a comprehensive review of Benin's criminal justice system, divided into three parts: an analysis of severe prison overcrowding and poor living conditions, an evaluation of juvenile justice and the state of rehabilitation centers, and an investigation into the persistence and function of customary law. It highlights a significant gap between national legal texts and the reality of their implementation, noting that many citizens prefer traditional justice over a formal system characterized by slowness, corruption, and high costs.

The document analyzes the January 2013 escalation of conflict in Mali, where Islamist rebels captured the city of Konna, prompting a French military intervention. It attributes the rebel offensive to a lack of progress in negotiations and delays in the deployment of the UN-authorized African-led International Support Mission in Mali (AFISMA). While the French intervention is viewed as timely due to the Malian army's limited operational capacity, the author warns of humanitarian risks and the long-term challenge of controlling liberated areas. The briefing concludes by questioning the effectiveness of previous initiatives to strengthen African national armies and calls for a rethink of regional defense strategies.

The May 2020 local elections in Benin served as a critical gateway for the 2021 presidential polls due to a November 2019 law requiring candidates to be sponsored by at least 16 parliamentarians or mayors. Because the opposition lacks parliamentary representation, they relied on mayorships; however, the Forces Cauris pour un Bénin Emergent (FCBE) only secured an absolute majority in seven municipalities, failing to meet the 16-mayor threshold. This legal framework, combined with the government's withdrawal from the African Court on Human and Peoples’ Rights protocol and the exclusion of major opposition parties from previous polls, suggests the 2021 presidential election may occur without a viable opposition, undermining the legitimacy of the resulting government.

The document explores the tension between formal 'due process' and substantive justice, arguing that criminal law is often a tool for political and economic power rather than a neutral instrument. It contrasts consensus-functionalist and radical-conflict paradigms of law and evaluates the impact of colonial legacies on the current state of criminal justice in Africa, where corruption and repression remain prevalent.

The NAP Global Network's Targeted Topics Forums (TTFs) are a series of workshops that bring together representatives from developing countries and development cooperation agencies to exchange lessons on technical aspects of the National Adaptation Planning (NAP) process. Unlike one-off workshops, TTFs use a sustained peer learning model, reconvening the same cohorts of international specialists to build a supportive community. Each forum is structured around three pillars: technical inputs from experts, relational opportunities for peer sharing, and reflexive opportunities for countries to apply inputs to their own contexts. Current focus areas include building political support, cross-sectoral integration, financing implementation, and monitoring and evaluation. The Network also provides a Country Support Hub for submitting questions and advice on the NAP process.

The document outlines the role of community protocols as interfaces between customary laws and national ABS frameworks, drawing on case studies from Kenya, South Africa, Namibia, Benin, Madagascar, and Cameroon to highlight best practices in community empowerment and legal recognition.

Natural Justice provides legal support to Indigenous peoples and local communities in Africa, specifically in South Africa, Namibia, Zimbabwe, Kenya, Benin, Guinea, and Madagascar. The organization focuses on challenging rights infringements related to land, climate change, and extractive projects, and facilitating fair commercial transactions for traditional knowledge. Key initiatives include the development of 'community protocols' to help communities articulate their rights and the production of accessible legal resources, such as 34 national legal reviews and the Living Convention. Natural Justice also engages in international advocacy through the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights and forums like the UNFCCC and CBD.

The research evaluates three dimensions of state capacity—coercion (revenue extraction), co-optation (government spending), and cooperation (trust in institutions)—to determine their impact on the onset of civil war. Using a global dataset, the authors find that high government spending and trustworthy institutions (proxied by contract-intensive money) are significant predictors of civil peace, whereas coercive capacity (relative political capacity) has little predictive power when controlling for other factors. The findings suggest that civil peace is co-produced through social cooperation and the provision of public goods rather than through state repression.

The Alliance for Rural Electrification (ARE) provides capacity building through two primary channels: Investment Academies, which help small and medium enterprises secure finance through modules on business planning and pitching, and the CORE Initiative, which offers technical training on DRE systems like mini-grids and solar thermal energy. These programs have trained 3,050 practitioners and 210 trainers across 15 countries, targeting the development of bankable projects and the transfer of engineering skills to enhance energy access and security in Africa, Asia-Pacific, and Latin America.

The report examines the potential for decentralised renewable energy (DRE) equipment to drive socio-economic development in Benin, Cameroon, and Madagascar, focusing on agricultural productive uses. It identifies significant opportunities in value chains such as cotton and cashew in Benin, cocoa and sorghum in Cameroon, and rice, fishing, and livestock in Madagascar. While solar pumps and refrigeration are the most common technologies, the report highlights barriers including high initial costs, lack of technical standards, and the absence of formal e-waste recycling systems. It recommends market development measures such as increased awareness, technical standardisation, and the integration of microfinance to accelerate adoption.

The document establishes a business case for gender equality in the decentralised renewable energy (DRE) sector, asserting that women-led businesses are often as profitable as or more profitable than those led by men. It provides a framework of recommendations for DRE companies, civil society organisations (CSOs), and investors to improve gender equality at the community, organisational, and investor levels. The report includes 17 case studies from various global regions demonstrating the impact of gender-sensitive interventions, such as solar kiosks in Togo, feminist microgrid development in Haiti, and technical training for women in Brazil.

The Ugandan government implemented expansionary fiscal and monetary policies to mitigate the economic impact of COVID-19 lockdowns. While these measures helped stabilize the financial sector and provided temporary liquidity to businesses, the pandemic caused real GDP growth to drop from 6.8% in FY 2018/19 to 2.9% in FY 2019/20. The industrial and services sectors were most severely affected, contributing to a projected 34.5% increase in the number of people living below the poverty line. Fiscal deficits rose to 7.5% of GDP in FY 2019/20, leading to a 21.7% increase in public debt stock to $15.27 billion.

The document analyzes Benin's macroeconomic response to COVID-19, noting that while stringent health measures and high citizen compliance kept infection rates low, the economy suffered a GDP growth decline from 6.5% in 2019 to 4.8% in 2020. The government and BCEAO deployed expansionary monetary policies to increase liquidity and fiscal measures including cash transfers and subsidies. While these actions supported the agricultural sector and prevented food price inflation, the overall expansion of the money supply contributed to higher consumer prices, potentially increasing poverty risks for vulnerable households.

The report examines how Benin, Senegal, Tanzania, Uganda, Nigeria, and South Africa responded to the COVID-19 pandemic. It finds that wealthier, more open economies like South Africa and Senegal were most vulnerable to shocks, while countries like Tanzania and Benin experienced marginal growth deceleration due to minimal or delayed government reactions. Fiscal capacity varied significantly: South Africa and Senegal implemented the most substantive stimulus packages, whereas Nigeria was constrained by a volatile tax base. Most countries focused on industry support and tax relief, though South Africa uniquely allocated 60% of its package to social security. The document highlights a looming 'debt repayment wall' peaking in 2024 and argues for a transition toward green infrastructure, diversified revenue bases, and a common African negotiating position to secure concessional finance and Special Drawing Rights (SDRs) from higher-income nations.

The document examines Tanzania's macroeconomic responses to the COVID-19 pandemic, noting that a 'business-as-usual' approach without lockdowns, combined with expansionary monetary and fiscal policies, helped the country avert a recession in 2020. It details specific Bank of Tanzania (BoT) interventions to maintain liquidity and recommends further macroprudential policies, increased healthcare financing, and the implementation of climate-resilient economic strategies.