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The document analyzes electoral trends in Africa between 2015 and early 2016, identifying four negative trends: constitutional alterations to extend term limits, manipulation of electoral calendars, harassment of opposition candidates, and low voter turnout. It highlights a gap between the existence of continental democratic frameworks, such as the African Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance (ACDEG), and the political will of governing elites to implement them. The authors recommend structural reforms, respect for electoral calendars, and the adoption of social media codes of conduct to protect freedom of expression.

The document details a February 2017 stakeholder meeting in Cotonou, Benin, focused on the role of Savings Groups (SGs) in promoting development. It highlights how SGs act as platforms for agricultural training and value chain participation, health financing and education, and as gateways to formal financial services. The report identifies challenges such as market access for agricultural products and a tension between the need for formal regulation and the value of informal learning processes. It concludes with priorities for the sector, including the creation of a national SG working group and a national mapping of SGs.

The document examines the gap between Africa's formal legal commitments to freedom of movement and the actual practice of migration governance. While the African Union and various Regional Economic Communities have established frameworks to promote labour mobility and economic integration, implementation remains inconsistent. West Africa is highlighted as the most advanced model, whereas Southern Africa is noted for a securitised approach to migration. The brief argues that aligning regional policies and improving communication on the net benefits of migration are essential for unlocking the continent's development potential.

The policy brief examines the increasing presence of sub-Saharan African migrants in Algeria and Morocco, noting that while they have not been significantly implicated in terrorism, their precarious socio-economic conditions and exposure to racism create vulnerabilities. It advocates for the operationalisation of regularisation schemes and the adoption of non-coercive PVE strategies based on UN pillars to prevent future radicalisation.

The document examines how ECOWAS implements the African Peace and Security Architecture (APSA), focusing on 'sustaining peace' through conflict prevention, mediation, and peacebuilding. It highlights ECOWAS's sophisticated early warning system (ECOWARN) and its recent institutionalization of mediation through a new directorate, while noting significant gaps in post-conflict reconstruction and development (PCRD). The paper argues for clearer definitions of comparative advantage and subsidiarity between ECOWAS and the African Union (AU) to avoid duplication and improve regional stability.

The document analyzes Nigeria's struggle to maintain its status as a 'regional hegemon' since the return to democracy in 1999. It argues that while Nigeria has a history of assertive 'Africa-centred' foreign policy, this has been eroded by domestic instability, corruption, the Boko Haram insurgency, and a lack of strategic leadership. The author highlights a shift in continental pre-eminence from Nigeria to South Africa and notes that Nigeria's regional influence in West Africa is contested and often dependent on external actors like France. The paper concludes that only a fundamental restructuring of domestic governance and the economy can restore Nigeria's international standing.

The 'Green Business Area' in Konseguela, Mali, is a pilot project by GERES that provides 11 rural businesses with electricity via a 12.5 kWp hybrid mini-grid using solar photovoltaics and locally produced agro-fuels. The project utilizes bioclimatic construction and a pricing model based on space rental and energy sales, creating 24 direct jobs within its first year of operation.

The Universal Green Energy Access Programme (UGEAP) is a proposed USD 500 million investment fund managed by Deutsche Bank AG to increase electricity access in Sub-Saharan Africa. The program focuses on three categories: solar home systems, green mini-grids, and industrial renewable energy solutions. It utilizes a two-tiered capital structure (Class A and Class B) to leverage private sector investment, with the Green Climate Fund (GCF) providing subordinated B-Capital to act as a risk buffer. The program will be rolled out in two phases, initially targeting Benin, Kenya, Namibia, Nigeria, and Tanzania, before expanding across Sub-Saharan Africa. UGEAP intends to provide long-term debt through local financial institutions using Funding and Risk Participation Agreements (FRPA) and syndicated loans to overcome structural barriers in local financial markets.

The Multinational Joint Task Force (MNJTF), a coalition of Cameroon, Niger, Nigeria, and Chad, along with Benin, was established to combat Boko Haram. While the force has achieved some operational gains since early 2016, it continues to struggle with significant financial shortfalls, political mistrust among member states, and a gap between official claims of operationality and the reality on the ground. The African Union (AU) serves as a critical strategic and technical partner, filling an institutional vacuum left by the Lake Chad Basin Commission's (LCBC) limited experience in peace operations.

Togo has significantly reduced piracy since 2012 through increased naval patrols and international cooperation, recording no acts of piracy in 2015. However, the country faces ongoing challenges, including a struggling fisheries sector plagued by overfishing and poor resources, and an international ship registry that provides few local jobs and is linked to illicit fishing. While the Autonomous Port of Lomé maintains ISPS Code compliance and serves as a key transit hub for landlocked countries like Burkina Faso, it suffers from space constraints and poor internal road infrastructure. To sustain security, Togo established the National Organisation for State Action at Sea (NOSAS) in 2014, though hierarchical ambiguities persist between the maritime prefect and the advisor for the sea.

The report examines African election trends in 2016, noting that while multi-party elections are now standard, many processes are undermined by 'constitutional coups', the removal of term limits, and electoral irregularities. It details specific cases of instability and incumbent persistence in countries like the Central African Republic, Uganda, and the Republic of Congo, while contrasting these with more stable prospects in South Africa and Ghana.

The document assesses the adoption and effectiveness of youth policies across Africa, highlighting a lag in adoption compared to global trends. It identifies critical failures in data collection, policy design, and state implementation capacity, while noting successes in creating youth representative bodies. The author argues that for youth policies to succeed, they must be evidence-based, realistic regarding state capacity, and supported by partnerships with non-state actors.

This research paper analyzes the state of constitutionalism and civil liberties across Africa by examining African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM) Country Review Reports for 12 countries. It categorizes these nations based on Freedom House rankings and identifies systemic challenges to freedom, including executive dominance and securitization.

The report examines 'constitutional liberalism' in Africa, focusing on the gap between formal democratic structures and the actual protection of civil liberties. Using APRM data and Freedom House rankings, it categorizes countries as 'free', 'partly free', or 'not free', identifying executive dominance, securitisation, and administrative dysfunction as primary barriers to freedom.

The document examines the African Union's (AU) efforts to 'Africanise' its maritime domain through AIMS 2050, specifically by proposing a continental cabotage regime to reduce foreign dominance in intra-African shipping. While proponents argue this would create jobs and economic independence, the paper identifies significant barriers, including inadequate port infrastructure, a lack of skilled seafarers, and limited political will, as evidenced by the low ratification rates of the African Maritime Transport Charter. It further analyzes the legal complexities regarding World Trade Organization (WTO) regulations and concludes that the proposed regime is currently 'ahead of schedule' due to the absence of necessary industrial and governance preconditions.

The paper investigates Chinese manufacturing investment in Nigeria, finding limited but significant technology transfer, particularly in automobile assembly and light manufacturing. While Chinese firms provide employment and affordable machinery, the study notes a lack of sectoral clustering in special economic zones and weak backward linkages to the local economy. It highlights the role of Nigerian import substitution policies in attracting investment but warns of reputational risks due to unethical business practices by some Chinese firms.

The document examines how political instability, corruption, and a focus on onshore security led to 'sea blindness' in the Gulf of Guinea, creating a security gap exploited by pirates and transnational criminal networks. It details the region's vast natural resources, including oil, gas, and minerals, and analyzes the shift toward maritime security since 2012. The author evaluates various responses, from national naval upgrades in Nigeria and Ghana to regional frameworks like the Yaoundé Declaration and international support from the EU and UN, concluding that the primary challenge remains translating high-level policy into operational action.

The document argues that 'communication rights' extend beyond simple freedom of expression to include the right to be heard and receive responses from power-holders. It provides evidence of this framework's utility through case studies: community radio in Guatemala and Bosnia and Herzegovina, citizen journalism in the Dominican Republic, gender-focused media monitoring in Benin, and migrant advocacy in Hong Kong. Additionally, it examines the threats to privacy posed by big data analytics and the 'Internet of Things,' arguing that these technologies can create unjust power differentials and facilitate surveillance.

The document examines China's shift from extractive industries toward diversified economic co-operation in West Africa, specifically in agriculture. It contrasts Chinese assistance with Western aid, highlighting a 'win-win' South-South model based on China's own domestic agricultural success. While traditionally focused on technical assistance and food crops, recent trends show an increase in state-owned enterprise (SOE) involvement in cash crops and biofuels. The authors recommend that China focus on equitable investments and that West African governments encourage agro-industrial upgrading to add value to the regional agro-business chain.

The report analyzes the land-sector climate pledges (INDCs) of four major tropical-forest nations. It finds that while Brazil and Indonesia provide some transparency, their land-sector ambitions are low. India's submission lacks critical specifics on GDP and sequestration timing. In contrast, the Democratic Republic of the Congo is highlighted as a model for both transparency and ambition, despite its limited national capacity. The author concludes that smaller countries are generally producing better land-sector INDCs than larger emitters.