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The document outlines the Towards Collaborative Peace (TCP) project, which examines how the proliferation of small arms and light weapons fuels a 'culture of violence' and undermines democratization in Southern Africa. The project employs a south-south comparative framework, contrasting trends in Southern Africa with those in South American Mercosur countries (Argentina, Brazil, Paraguay, and Uruguay). Through field research and a series of publications, the TCP project aims to identify the dynamics of illegal weapons flows and develop regional control mechanisms and local educational packages to mitigate violence.

The research paper examines the failure to operationalize the SADC Organ for Politics, Defence and Security, noting a deadlock between member states over its legal and operational structure. It critiques a 1997 Review and Rationalisation Report for ignoring the security-development nexus and suggests that SADC's economic focus is incompatible with the sensitivities of defence co-operation. By comparing SADC to regional arrangements like L'ANAD in West Africa, ASEAN in Southeast Asia, and the OSCE and WEU in Europe, the author argues that Southern Africa should 'divorce' its security mechanism from SADC to create a dedicated, flexible security convention or union focused on conflict prevention and democratic stability.

The document analyzes the shift from security-focused disarmament forums, such as the Conference on Disarmament (CD) and the Convention on Certain Conventional Weapons (CCW), toward the humanitarian-led Ottawa Process. It details the progression of meetings from Ottawa in 1996 through Brussels and Oslo in 1997, culminating in a treaty for a total ban on anti-personnel landmines (APMs). The paper highlights the role of smaller states and NGOs, the specific challenges posed by US security exemptions, and the acute impact of landmines in Africa.

The document analyzes the 1997 South African Regulation of Foreign Military Assistance Bill, which aims to prevent citizens and companies from providing unauthorized military services abroad. The authors argue that the Bill's vague definitions of 'armed conflict' and 'foreign military assistance' could encompass non-combatant activities such as humanitarian aid, election monitoring, and academic research. They highlight concerns regarding the extensive discretionary power granted to the Minister of Defence and the lack of transparency in the authorization process. The paper proposes specific amendments to narrow the scope of the legislation, streamline the approval process, and protect bona fide NGOs and academic institutions from excessive penalties.

The monograph examines the geopolitical drivers of conflict in Africa, the operational structures of the UN and OAU, and the critical necessity of linking military peacekeeping with long-term peacebuilding and development. It highlights the OAU's Mechanism for Conflict Prevention, Management and Resolution and analyzes specific missions in Mozambique, Angola, Rwanda, and Somalia to identify failures in logistics, intelligence, and coordination. The text argues that sustainable peace requires addressing root causes like poverty and poor governance through integrated strategies that involve local communities and a shift from 'winner-take-all' political cultures.

The document analyzes the transition from traditional peacekeeping to multifunctional peace support operations (MPSOs) in the post-Cold War era. It highlights the confusion between peacekeeping, peace enforcement, and enforcement, and argues that the failure of many 1990s missions stemmed from a lack of clear authority, poor civil-military coordination, and the application of 'old scripts' to complex intra-state conflicts. The authors propose a reversal of operational tasking—starting with peace enforcement to establish a secure environment before transitioning to peacekeeping—and emphasize the need for specialized training and robust information gathering.

The document examines how dwindling fresh water resources and population growth in Southern Africa increase the risk of resource-based conflict. It advocates for redefining security to include 'soft' non-military threats, such as ecological degradation and poverty, and suggests that regional co-operation through SADC and free trade can mitigate water insecurity. The text provides a detailed synoptic view of major river basins in the region, noting a paradox where the most economically developed areas (the south) have the scarcest water, while the north possesses abundant but under-utilised resources.

The document argues that Africa's electricity shortage is a binding constraint for industrial production, but can be overcome by exploiting abundant renewable energy and integrating regional power markets. It highlights the African Single Electricity Market (AfSEM) and the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) as key frameworks to drive clean energy industrialisation. The Southern African Power Pool (SAPP) is presented as a successful model where energy integration correlates with higher industrial growth compared to the wider SADC region. However, the brief notes that full continental integration by the 2040 target for AfSEM will require significant investment in transmission infrastructure and harmonised regulatory frameworks.

The Harare Declaration, adopted during the first African Conference on Debt and Development (AfCoDD) in August 2021, calls for a systemic overhaul of the global debt architecture to address the vulnerabilities of African nations. It highlights how the COVID-19 pandemic exacerbated poverty and debt burdens, potentially pushing 39 million Africans into extreme poverty. The document criticizes the current system for prioritizing creditor interests over social and environmental justice, noting a shift toward commercial bonds and a lack of transparency in debt contraction. To counter this, the declaration proposes the creation of an African Monitoring and Control Mechanism, a Monetary Fund, and an African Bank. It further advocates for a feminist approach to macroeconomics, a green recovery aligned with the AU's Agenda 2063, and the possibility of collective debt default to break the cycle of neoliberal dependency.

The document examines resource-backed loans (RBLs) as a tool for financing infrastructure in resource-rich developing nations, particularly in Sub-Saharan Africa. While RBLs can unlock funding and reduce corruption by bypassing government control of funds through special purpose vehicles, they often lead to unsustainable debt, lack of transparency, and unfair terms that favour lenders. The brief recommends integrating RBLs into public procurement systems, increasing transparency, and utilizing expert negotiators to protect national interests.

The document critiques the G20 Common Framework and prior initiatives like HIPC, MDRI, and DSSI, claiming they provide minimal relief while encouraging new borrowing. It highlights the negative impact of credit rating agency biases and the lack of private creditor participation. The authors propose a shift toward an African-led financial system, including a gold-backed currency called the African Financial Asset (AfA), and call for unconditional debt cancellation.

The document examines how African public debt is rooted in colonial constructs and enforced through contract law, often perpetuating economic dependency. It analyzes the legal architecture at national and international levels, the various debt instruments used, and the systemic failures in transparency and accountability that lead to debt crises. The paper advocates for constitutional reforms, independent debt management offices, and a multilateral sovereign debt restructuring mechanism to ensure sustainable development and protect human rights.

The document examines the tension between Africa's fossil fuel endowments and the global push for decarbonization, highlighting the risks of stranded assets and the dominance of Global North financing. It argues for a Just Transition that ensures energy access while moving toward low-carbon sources.

The report examines how Tanzania's extractive industries, particularly natural gas and gold, have created economic enclaves and contributed to a 'sub-national resource curse' in regions like Mtwara and Lindi. It analyzes the country's rising debt-to-GDP ratio, which grew from 28% to 40% in four years, and the role of resource-backed loans from China for infrastructure like the Standard Gauge Railway. While Tanzania possesses significant renewable energy potential in solar, wind, and hydropower, the report notes a continued reliance on fossil fuels and a lack of gender-sensitive policies in the energy sector. It concludes with recommendations to diversify the economy, strengthen governance, and develop a domestic downstream sector for critical minerals.

The document highlights that just 1% of Angola's estimated superhot rock geothermal resource could provide 197 GW of energy capacity, far exceeding the country's projected 2050 electricity demand of 62,933 GWh. It argues that this technology could replace fossil fuels in the electricity sector, reducing emissions by approximately 4 megatonnes of CO2eq, while utilizing significantly less land than solar, wind, or biomass. Additionally, the report suggests that Angola's existing oil and gas workforce and subsurface expertise could facilitate a transition to this zero-carbon energy source to address energy poverty and low electrification rates in rural areas.

The document examines the implementation of Leak Detection and Repair (LDAR) programs to reduce fugitive methane emissions, focusing on ground-based Optical Gas Imaging (OGI) surveys. It analyzes the relationship between inspection frequency and emission reductions, providing cost estimates for in-house versus outsourced detection models. The analysis highlights that abatement costs vary by country based on the value of salable gas and local market constraints, with some regions achieving negative marginal abatement costs. Key barriers to deployment include a lack of local technical capacity, logistical constraints in remote areas, and high costs associated with imported equipment.

The document evaluates the installation of Vapor Recovery Units (VRUs) to capture hydrocarbon vapors from storage tanks, finding that while they typically reduce emissions by 95%, high upfront capital costs and infrastructure gaps limit adoption. Across the studied countries in Africa and Latin America, VRUs remain below a low-cost threshold of 596 USD/tCH4, though cost-effectiveness varies based on the volume of methane emitted per site.

The document calls for G20 leaders to accelerate the transition away from fossil fuels and ensure the Paris Agreement is designed for ambition to avoid global warming of 3°C or more. It emphasizes the need for a five-year process to ramp up emission targets starting in 2020 and the delivery of $100 billion annual climate finance by 2020. Additionally, it urges the G20 to fulfill its 2009 promise to phase out fossil fuel subsidies, noting that the G20 currently spends nearly $90 billion annually on fossil fuel exploration.

The Least Developed Countries Fund (LDCF) is currently empty, causing 29 climate adaptation projects to be put on hold with an urgent funding need of US$ 220 million as of June. The author, Giza Gaspar Martins, emphasizes that the LDCF is unique because it provides grant-based finance and equitable access to the 48 poorest countries, who often lack the capacity to compete for resources from larger funds like the Green Climate Fund (GCF). To make the fund 'fit for purpose,' the author proposes establishing a sustainable replenishment cycle, enabling alternative funding sources, and repositioning the LDCF as an 'incubator' to help LDCs scale up projects through larger finance mechanisms.

The document argues that the export of pesticides prohibited or not approved in Europe (EU, Switzerland, and the UK) to parties of the Bamako Convention in Africa and the Central American Agreement constitutes a violation of international law. It asserts that these substances are classified as hazardous waste under the national laws of importing countries and the terms of these regional agreements, thereby breaching the Basel Convention. Furthermore, the text claims that these exports violate international human rights obligations regarding the right to health. The analysis extends to other exporting nations like Canada, China, and Russia, concluding that all Basel Convention parties must immediately prohibit the export of such hazardous chemicals.