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The BNDES serves as a national development bank that provides significant post-shipment credit to Latin America, primarily for infrastructure and capital goods. While the Brazilian government has promoted South-South integration, BNDES disbursements largely follow the dynamics of Brazilian trade and market demand. The bank faces criticism regarding the environmental and social sustainability of its projects and the high concentration of funding among a few large firms.

The briefing examines the use of Upstream Emission Reductions (UERs) to meet the Fuel Quality Directive's (FQD) target of reducing transport fuel greenhouse gas intensity by 6% by 2020. It warns that the current implementing measure lacks additionality requirements and oversight, creating a high risk of double counting across EU Member States, between the EU and third countries, and between the FQD and the EU ETS. The author highlights that projects from the Alberta Offset System, including road construction for tar sands mining, could potentially qualify. To ensure environmental integrity and reduce administrative burdens, the document recommends that Member States restrict UERs to CDM projects in Least Developed Countries, noting that a single project in Angola could potentially meet the entire estimated 0.8% gap in the FQD target.

The document examines Namibia's transition from a period of rampant overfishing by foreign fleets to a state-led governance model. It highlights the success in reducing illegal fishing and the implementation of 'Namibianisation' policies to promote local ownership and processing. However, it notes significant challenges, including the failure of sardine stocks to recover due to an ecosystem regime shift, the 'boom and bust' nature of deep-sea fisheries like orange roughy, and the prevalence of 'fronting' where foreign companies maintain control through proxy ownership. The paper argues that strong political leadership and effective rent capture mechanisms are essential for sustainable fisheries management in Africa.

The document analyzes the governance of the Cubango-Okavango River Basin through OKACOM, highlighting how a strong institutional framework and political trust among Angola, Namibia, and Botswana have enabled 20 years of co-operation. It identifies challenges such as climate change, population growth, and asymmetrical economic benefits, recommending the adoption of economic water accounting and benefit-sharing mechanisms to sustain the basin's ecological integrity.

The document defines energy poverty as the lack of access to adequate, affordable, and sustainable energy services, highlighting its severe impacts on health, economic productivity, and the environment. It notes that 1.3 billion people lack electricity and 2.7 billion rely on biomass for cooking, with the highest concentrations in Sub-Saharan Africa and Asia. The author argues that while energy consumption is a necessary condition for development, universal access could be achieved by 2030 with an annual investment of 30-35 billion USD, a sum significantly lower than current global fossil fuel subsidies.

The paper examines the potential for mining to coexist with environmental preservation in Botswana's Okavango Delta. It highlights the economic pressure on Botswana to diversify away from declining diamond revenues by utilizing iron-ore, copper, and coal deposits. While acknowledging the environmental risks to the Delta—which is also threatened by upstream irrigation in Angola and Namibia, population growth, and poaching—the author suggests that mining companies can be allies in conservation. This is supported by the reputational risks associated with the Delta's World Heritage status and the regulatory oversight of the Toronto Stock Exchange and the International Finance Corporation. The document advocates for a governance model based on cooperation, land-use planning, and community engagement to ensure mining provides the capital and employment necessary to sustain the region's long-term ecological and tourism value.

The analysis finds that armed conflict in Africa generally follows a global pattern of decline when measured relative to population growth, though this was disrupted by the Cold War and has seen a recent uptick since 2010. Africa is uniquely characterized by high levels of 'non-state conflict'—violence between armed groups not involving the government—which the author attributes to weak governance. While terrorism is rising globally, the Middle East is currently experiencing faster growth than Africa. The paper also highlights that internal conflicts now dominate globally over interstate wars, and warns that climate change may increase local conflicts over resources in northern and southern Africa.

The policy brief argues that peace agreements in the DRC, specifically the Lusaka Ceasefire Agreement and the Addis Ababa Framework Agreement (AAFA), reflect shifts in economic power between the eastern Kivus and the southern Katanga province. While early conflicts and the ICGLR were driven by the exploitation of coltan and other minerals in the east by Rwanda and Uganda, the subsequent rise of copper and cobalt investments in Katanga shifted geopolitical influence toward SADC states.

The report examines the 'peace potential' of oil and gas resources, analyzing how joint development, revenue sharing, and infrastructure projects like pipelines can either mitigate or fuel conflict. It contrasts successful cooperation, such as the Saudi-Kuwaiti Partitioned Neutral Zone and Turkey-Iraqi Kurdish relations, with failures in the Caucasus and disputes in the South China Sea and Eastern Mediterranean. The study also addresses the role of international environmental law and the climate impact of transitioning from coal to natural gas.

The paper examines the impact of Chinese resources-for-infrastructure (R4I) swaps on the 'resource curse' in Africa, specifically analyzing mechanisms like price volatility, Dutch disease, rent-seeking, and political conflict. Through case studies of countries such as Angola, the DRC, and Ghana, the author finds that R4I swaps are neither inherently harmful nor a panacea; their developmental impact depends on the capacity of host government institutions to manage risks and opportunities.

The document analyzes a growing trend among African leaders to prioritize 'traditional values' and 'sovereignty' over universal human rights, often using anti-imperialist rhetoric to shield themselves from accountability. It highlights the role of CSOs in fighting this regressive shift, specifically regarding LGBTI rights, corruption, and the International Criminal Court (ICC), while noting that these organisations face increasing government harassment and restrictive legislation.

The research paper assesses the 2014 US-Africa Summit and the 'US strategy toward Sub-Saharan Africa', arguing that while economic growth in Africa is rising, democratic governance remains a 'chronic twin-deficit' alongside peace and security. It notes that the rise of emerging powers like China, which saw trade with Africa grow from 'US$3 billion in 2002 to around US$192 billion in 2012', has provided African states with financial alternatives that may 'corrosive impact on the pace of the democratisation agenda'. The author suggests the US should move beyond supporting 'minimalist electoral outcomes' and instead support the African Union's African Peer Review Mechanism and African Governance Architecture to foster robust, accountable institutions.

The relationship between South Africa and China has evolved from formal diplomatic recognition in 1998 to a 'comprehensive strategic partnership' by 2010. While bilateral trade has grown rapidly, with China becoming a primary trading partner, the structure remains imbalanced, characterized by South African raw material exports and Chinese manufactured imports. Investment patterns are unique compared to other African nations, with South African firms historically investing more in China than vice versa, although Chinese FDI is increasing in mining and infrastructure. Diplomatic cooperation is strong in multilateral forums like BRICS and the UN Security Council, though tensions exist regarding commercial competition and public perceptions of Chinese business practices.

The document examines the state of corporate governance in Africa, noting that while it is generally underdeveloped and embryonic, a distinctively African approach is emerging. This approach, exemplified by South Africa's King Code, emphasizes socio-economic outcomes and the principle of ubuntu over purely financial or shareholder-centric metrics. The author highlights significant barriers to implementation, including a lack of professional skills (particularly accountants), poor institutional environments, and the prevalence of small, family-owned businesses. The briefing recommends that governments reform the business climate, nurture independent corporate governance infrastructure, and encourage cross-border cooperation to support business growth without imposing unrealistic regulatory burdens.

The African Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA) is a US-Africa trade agreement established in 2001 that provides duty-free access to the US market for qualifying sub-Saharan African states. While exports from AGOA countries to the US grew by 78% between 2001 and 2014, the trade is heavily dominated by energy and commodities, with mineral fuels and oils accounting for 68% of imports. South Africa is a primary beneficiary, contributing an estimated 62,395 jobs and exporting high-end manufactured goods such as vehicles, unlike many other AGOA partners who rely on raw materials.

The document examines the tension between economic growth driven by extractive industries in the SADC region and the resulting social and environmental harms. It argues that because a shift away from extractive-dependent growth is unlikely to happen immediately, the effective management of this sector is the primary lever for achieving a transition toward inclusive green growth that benefits rural poor populations.

The 2014 South African Defence Review describes the South African National Defence Force (SANDF) as being in a 'critical state of decline' due to obsolescence, force imbalance, and unsustainable budgeting. The review proposes a long-term rejuvenation plan through four planning milestones extending to 2034, requiring significant budget increases. However, the author argues that the review's 'mandate-driven' approach is overly expansive given South Africa's financial constraints and actual tasks. The brief recommends refocusing the SANDF on peace operations, downsizing bloated staffing structures, and reforming the department's accountability and procurement legislation.

The policy brief examines the impasse in negotiations for the SADC EPA, which were set to end on 1 October 2014. It identifies four primary obstacles: the EU's demand for a ban on export taxes, the restrictive nature of the Most Favoured Nation (MFN) clause, the slow activation of agricultural safeguards, and the technical complexity of rules of origin. The author proposes compromises, such as shifting the MFN clause to a percentage-based liberalisation model and inverting the burden of proof for agricultural safeguards, to ensure the agreement is politically viable and supports African industrialisation and sovereignty.

The document examines the critical role of dryland forests in Southern Africa, highlighting their vulnerability to deforestation and climate change. It proposes a 'nexus approach' to overcome the marginalisation of the forestry sector by demonstrating its interdependencies with water, energy, and food security. The author argues that integrated landscape management and multi-sectoral policy coordination can identify win-win solutions for climate mitigation and adaptation, such as agroforestry and payment for watershed services.

The report identifies a critical lack of institutional and individual capacity for climate compatible development (CCD) in Angola, particularly within universities, which are largely disconnected from national climate research. While the government has established policy frameworks and some international projects (such as those by UNDP and GEF) employ transdisciplinary approaches, university-level research and curriculum integration are nearly non-existent. The report highlights urgent needs for meteorological data, skilled researchers in hydrology and agro-meteorology, and the development of CCD materials in Portuguese. Potential pathways for improvement include the newly established Centre of Excellence for Sciences Applied to Sustainability (CESSAF) and the Climate Change and Tropical Ecology Research Centre at José Eduardo dos Santos University.