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The author contends that Africa requires a leadership group of its strongest nations—similar to the G8—to drive economic growth, enforce good governance, and attract investment. The text highlights that while the continent grew at 3.5% from 1995 to 2002, a growth rate of at least 8% is necessary for sustainable development and poverty alleviation. The author emphasizes the need for a 'virtual global African economic community' involving both the continent and its diaspora to create a $1 trillion market, urging the leading nations to move beyond the ineffective principle of non-interference and instead lead through the African Union and Nepad.

The paper examines the rapid growth of China-Africa relations, noting that while Chinese investment and debt forgiveness are welcomed, the relationship is often asymmetrical. It suggests that African leaders should adopt a pragmatic approach—inspired by Deng Xiaoping's reforms—to negotiate better terms, including technology transfer, local labour requirements, and preferential trade agreements. The author advocates for using the China-Africa Co-operation Forum to establish a formal code of conduct and a civil society forum to hold Beijing accountable for its commitments regarding human rights, arms trafficking, and fair trade.

The African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM), launched in 2002 under the New Partnership for Africa's Development (Nepad), is a voluntary governance assessment tool for African states. It employs a five-stage process involving national self-assessment, expert review, and peer review by heads of state. Early implementation in 'pioneer' countries like Ghana, Rwanda, Kenya, and South Africa revealed that the process is significantly more time-consuming than initially estimated, often taking 33 to 39 months rather than the projected six to nine. The document highlights the critical role of civil society in the National Governing Councils and the challenges of managing the political tensions inherent in open governance critiques.

The document examines the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM) as a political process, highlighting the tensions between governments and civil society in pioneer countries. It identifies systemic failures in the APRM's operational guidelines, specifically regarding timeframes, research methods, and the development of Programmes of Action (POAs). The authors propose the 'COPPER' principles (Candid, Open, Planned, Participatory, Exemplary, Rigorous) to ensure a credible review and provide a detailed strategy for civil society to influence the process through evidence-based written submissions and media engagement. The report concludes that the APRM's success depends on presidential leadership, transparent governing councils, and a shift in focus from merely identifying problems to crafting detailed, accountable solutions in the POA.

The document provides a comprehensive analysis of the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM), focusing on the experiences of pioneer countries. It details the official guidance documents, the five stages of the review process, and the critical roles of national institutions like the Focal Point and National Governing Council. A significant portion of the text is dedicated to '80 Lessons for Success,' offering strategic advice on planning, governance, media engagement, and the use of the Self-Assessment Questionnaire. It emphasizes the necessity of civil society leadership, transparency, and rigorous research to ensure the mechanism's credibility and effectiveness in fostering good governance across Africa.

The report analyzes the early experiences of countries implementing the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM), highlighting critical gaps in national governance, technical research, and the formulation of actionable reform plans. It argues that while the self-assessment phase often generates sound analysis, the resulting Programmes of Action (POAs) are frequently superficial and lack the detail necessary for effective implementation and monitoring. The authors provide a set of best practices for research, public consultation, and the creation of more rigorous, costed, and prioritized POAs to ensure the mechanism leads to substantive governance improvements.

The document argues that sub-Saharan Africa is disproportionately vulnerable to climate change due to its reliance on rain-fed agriculture and limited institutional capacity, yet it contributes minimally to global greenhouse gas emissions. It highlights a tension between the high initial costs of carbon-efficient development and immediate poverty reduction needs. The author proposes 'development-led' and 'no-regrets' approaches—such as the Mad’Etole wind project in Madagascar—to align environmental sustainability with economic growth. The paper also examines financial mechanisms like the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) and the World Bank's Forest Carbon Partnership Facility (FCPF) as tools for funding, while noting that international financial support for adaptation has remained insufficient.

The document examines the history of the Western Sahara conflict, focusing on the failure of multiple peace plans proposed by the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) and the United Nations (UN). It details the divergent positions of Morocco, which seeks sovereignty or autonomy under its rule, and the Polisario Front, which demands a referendum on self-determination. The author argues that the 'winner-takes-all' nature of referendums and the strategic interests of external allies like Algeria, France, and the United States have contributed to a persistent diplomatic stalemate.

The document analyzes terrorism in Egypt through three distinct cycles, tracing the evolution from the 1928 founding of the Muslim Brotherhood to the 2006 Dahab bombings. It argues that Egypt's closed political system, socio-economic marginalization—particularly of the Bedouin community in Sinai—and heavy-handed security responses have fueled extremism. The paper also details the significant role of Egyptian nationals, such as Ayman al-Zawahiri, in the formation and leadership of transnational networks like al-Qa'eda, suggesting that domestic repression effectively exported extremism globally.

The report examines the 'commodity price problem,' characterized by extreme short-term volatility and a steady long-term decline in real prices relative to manufactured goods. While high prices can provide windfall revenues, the authors argue that dependence on primary commodities creates a 'resource trap' that undermines fiscal planning, exacerbates social inequality, and encourages environmental degradation. The document concludes that because developing countries lack the resources to hedge against these risks, the international community should focus on income stabilization through mechanisms such as compensatory financing, national revenue management, and risk management instruments.

The report evaluates the EU's approach to combating the illicit trade of small arms and light weapons (SALW) and managing explosive remnants of war (ERW). It argues that while the EU has established a Small Arms Strategy and various funding instruments, there is a need for greater policy coherence, a formal extension of mine action assistance to include ERW, and a more comprehensive approach that links security and development. The document specifically examines the situation in North Africa, highlighting gaps in border management and the need for technical assistance in stockpile management and mine clearance.

The document lists the signature, ratification, and deposit dates for 53 African entities regarding the AU Convention on the Prevention and Combating of Terrorism. As of 23 June 2006, 48 countries had signed the convention, while 36 had completed ratification or accession and deposited their instruments.

The paper examines NEPAD as a holistic development initiative for Africa, contrasting it with earlier plans like the Lagos Plan of Action and the Abuja Treaty. It highlights NEPAD's focus on globalisation, good governance via the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM), and its specific administrative structures. While the author notes progress in policy development and some specific projects, such as the West Africa Gas Pipeline and e-School Initiative, the report concludes that overall implementation is hindered by inadequate capacity in regional economic communities and a lack of sufficient funding from developed partners.

The document introduces 'communication rights' as a broad conceptual umbrella that extends beyond freedom of expression to include democratic media governance, linguistic rights, and access to knowledge. It presents the Communication Rights Assessment Framework (CRAFT), which organises these rights into four pillars: Communicating in the Public Sphere, Communicating Knowledge for Creativity and Equity, Civil Rights in Communication, and Cultural Rights in Communication. The handbook details how to apply this framework through research, stakeholder verification, and follow-up advocacy, drawing on pilot projects conducted in Brazil, Colombia, Kenya, the Philippines, and the European Union.

The report examines the 'cold peace' between Ethiopia and Eritrea after their 1998-2000 border war. While the Algiers Peace Accord ended active hostilities, the subsequent ruling by the Border Commission to award the symbolic town of Badme to Eritrea has created a political impasse. Ethiopia, influenced by the Tigray Regional State, has rejected the ruling as 'wrong and unjust,' leading to a stalemate in physical demarcation. The author argues that the international community's focus on technical demarcation is insufficient and that genuine political dialogue is required to address deep-seated mistrust and economic strains to avoid a return to war.

The report examines the expansion of South African business into the rest of Africa, highlighting a shift from traditional construction and mining into sectors like banking, telecommunications, and retail. While South African firms possess competitive advantages in capital and technology, they face significant structural hurdles, including political risk, corruption, poor infrastructure, and currency volatility. The document provides detailed case studies on sectors (Banking, Telecommunications, Retail, Mining) and countries (Uganda, Morocco, Mozambique, Ghana), concluding that sustainable growth requires improved governance, the rule of law, and stronger regional integration through initiatives like Nepad.

The document traces the South African defence industry's shift from a state-driven system designed for apartheid-era isolation to a competitive global actor. Following the end of the Cold War and the transition to democracy in 1994, the industry underwent significant downsizing and restructuring, moving away from total self-sufficiency toward strategic partnerships and export-led growth. Key entities like Armscor and Denel were reorganized to separate procurement from manufacturing, while the private sector consolidated. The paper highlights the role of the Strategic Defence Packages (SDPs) and Industrial Participation (IP) in revitalizing the sector, alongside the challenges of implementing black economic empowerment and aligning industrial policy with regional foreign policy goals.

The document analyzes the NEPAD African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM), detailing its five-stage review process, its organizational structure involving the APR Forum and Panel of Eminent Persons, and its complex relationship with the African Union. It highlights the tension between political governance review and economic governance, the role of partner institutions like the UNECA and the African Commission on Human and Peoples' Rights, and the challenges of financing and institutional capacity in ensuring the mechanism's efficacy.

The report examines the evolution of 'environmental security,' contrasting narrow research focused on violent conflict with a broader 'vulnerability perspective' that emphasizes livelihoods and health. It argues that environmental degradation is rarely a sole cause of conflict but interacts with socio-economic drivers to threaten vulnerable groups, particularly in developing countries. The authors advocate for integrating vulnerability analysis into sustainable development to better protect the poor from risks associated with climate change, urbanization, and large-scale infrastructure projects.

The author argues that while the end of the Cold War initially saw a rise in local conflicts, the overall trend is moving toward a more peaceful world. This optimism is grounded in the observed decline in the number of armed conflicts since the late 1990s and the positive influence of global trends such as poverty reduction, democratization, and the rise of international military interventions for conflict settlement. The analysis highlights that internal conflicts (civil wars) are the dominant form of violence and are most strongly linked to poverty, though the author distinguishes between 'greed' and 'grievance' motivations. The document also notes that while ethnic polarization and resource scarcity are often cited as causes of war, systematic evidence is often ambiguous or secondary to broader economic and political factors.