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Between 1989 and 2019, Africa experienced a complex conflict landscape. While battle-related deaths have remained relatively low and stable since the early 2000s, the number of state-based conflicts reached a record high in 2019. There is a concerning increase in the involvement of the Islamic State and a rise in non-state communal conflicts. UN peacekeeping operations in the region saw a significant increase in troop size from 1999 to 2010.

The document analyzes the tension between South Africa's efforts to reform its copyright law via the Copyright Amendment Bill B13-2017 and the US Trade Representative's (USTR) review of South Africa's GSP eligibility. It argues that the US uses GSP conditionalities to protect its own IP interests and force reciprocity, which infringes on the national regulatory space of developing nations. The author suggests that South Africa and other African nations should diversify their exports toward knowledge-based goods and pursue a bottom-up approach to IP rights through the African Continental Free Trade Agreement to reduce dependence on unilateral US trade arrangements.

The report finds that Estonia consumes approximately 19,530 tonnes of textiles annually, with 16% being used items. While separate collection has grown to 30% of new textiles placed on the market, about 50% of separately collected textiles are still handled as waste (landfilled or incinerated) due to a lack of domestic recycling capacity. Estonia is a major European importer of used textiles, often acting as a sorting hub for export to Africa and Pakistan.

The paper evaluates the 2018 WHO global ambient air quality database, which contains PM10 and PM2.5 data for thousands of cities worldwide. It identifies challenges in comparing air pollution across different income levels and warns that the database has been used to draw inaccurate conclusions.

The document argues that standard lockdown measures are often impractical and potentially more damaging than COVID-19 in Africa due to high poverty levels, weak democratic institutions, and a large informal economy. It highlights risks such as the erosion of democratic processes, food insecurity, and a disproportionate burden on women. The author advocates for localized, flexible responses and calls for wealthier Northern states to provide debt cancellations and aid to prevent regional instability.

The African Center for Economic Transformation (ACET) and various global leaders call on the G20 to implement urgent health and economic measures to combat COVID-19. The proposal includes committing $8 billion for immediate health gaps, $35 billion for weaker health systems, and significant financial relief for poor countries, including the waiver of $44 billion in debt repayments for Africa. Economic recommendations include an additional $500-$600 billion in Special Drawing Rights (SDRs) and expanded resources for the World Bank and regional development banks to prevent a global depression.

The author examines the EU's transition to renewable energy as a geopolitical shift that offers benefits like reduced import dependence and increased 'soft power', but introduces risks such as industrial rivalry with China and the US, and internal disparities between Western and Eastern Europe. The text argues that the EU currently lacks a clear technical vision for its future integrated energy system, which could lead to inefficient investments and vulnerability to external 'divide and conquer' tactics. It suggests that the EU must combine energy goals with industrial policy and infrastructure standards to maintain global competitiveness, while utilizing mechanisms like the Just Transition Fund to mitigate internal socio-economic frictions.

The report examines the practice of incumbents stepping aside before presidential elections in Cabo Verde and Madagascar. It argues that while not a complete solution, this practice helps level the electoral playing field by denying incumbents direct control over state resources and security agencies during campaigns. The author suggests that for the practice to be effective, it must be supported by clear constitutional provisions, political will, and broader good governance reforms.

The African Union (AU) and Africa CDC reacted quickly to COVID-19, coordinating health responses and establishing an anti-COVID-19 fund. However, the pandemic has exacerbated security threats in West and Central Africa, where fighting against terrorism and internal conflicts continues despite global ceasefire calls. In the Horn of Africa, the virus has disrupted peace processes and created new instabilities, including the politicisation of response measures and the release of thousands of inmates. The report also highlights the extreme vulnerability of Africa's 25.2 million refugees and internally displaced persons, warning that border closures may increase irregular migration and transmission risks.

The document examines how COVID-19 exposes weaknesses in global institutions and threatens Africa through economic shocks, reduced development aid, and a retreat from multilateralism. It highlights the risk of increased trade protectionism and the potential for climate goals to be sidelined. The author advocates for the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA), the creation of a continental climate finance fund, and a proactive African role in reforming global governance to mitigate these risks.

The analysis argues that the European Union has experienced a period of 'regulatory fatigue' and 'backsliding' in financial oversight since 2014. It highlights five specific failures: the abandonment of structural banking reforms to separate high-risk activities, the adoption of dysfunctional prudential rules (such as an inoperative 3% leverage ratio), the failure to effectively limit food speculation through high technical thresholds, the lack of supervision for the growing shadow banking system, and the 'resurrection' of risky securitisation practices. The author concludes that these failures, combined with the shift of risk to under-regulated entities and the impact of the Covid-19 pandemic, leave the EU ill-equipped to handle a new financial crisis.

The author argues that the EU has experienced a 'regulatory retreat' in the financial sector, characterized by the abandonment of structural reforms, the implementation of dysfunctional prudential ratios, and the failure to regulate shadow banking. The text highlights how lobbying and the 'better regulation' agenda have weakened rules on food speculation and securitization, leaving the EU vulnerable to future financial crises, potentially triggered by the Covid-19 pandemic.

The author contends that nationalistic responses to Covid-19 are insufficient and that the G20, chaired by Saudi Arabia, should convene to coordinate fiscal, monetary, and scientific efforts. The text emphasizes the vulnerability of Africa's public health systems and calls for the establishment of a global medical stockpiles reserve to address long-term health inequality and supply chain failures.

FSD Africa is adapting its operations to the COVID-19 pandemic by curtailing travel, closing its Nairobi offices to visitors, and shifting technical support to virtual delivery. The organization intends to review its strategy to address pandemic-related challenges and explore how the financial system can help mitigate current and future disasters.

The policy brief examines the impact of the Fourth Industrial Revolution (4IR) on Sub-Saharan Africa (SSA), highlighting a critical gap between the growing youth workforce and the availability of formal jobs. It argues that while 4IR technologies like AI and robotics pose a threat to traditional labor-intensive manufacturing, they also offer opportunities in services and agro-processing. The document emphasizes that realizing a demographic dividend requires systemic education reform—specifically in STEM and TVET—and the implementation of the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) to boost regional productivity. It warns that failure to create approximately 20 million jobs annually until 2035 could lead to increased unemployment and instability.

The statement asserts that environmental degradation and climate change amplify existing gender inequalities due to unequal power relations. It highlights that women produce over half the world's food but own less than 15% of the land, and that their unpaid care work, valued at over $10.8 trillion annually, remains systematically undervalued. The author calls for a 'gender just transition' that moves beyond technical solutions like renewable energy to include the revaluation of the care economy, social protection, and the elimination of intersecting discriminations based on race, class, and gender.

The report identifies a significant 'Valley of Death' between the production of climate science and its practical application in resilience and adaptation. While short-term forecasting is generally accurate and used, decadal information is urgently needed but largely unavailable, leading some practitioners to misuse long-term projections. The study argues that a 'science-first' approach is ineffective and recommends that the CLARE programme adopt a user-driven, transdisciplinary structure that prioritizes co-production, capacity building for 'discerning users', and the development of knowledge brokers to bridge the gap between scientists and decision-makers.

The report finds that while global coal capacity grew by 34.1 GW in 2019, this was primarily driven by China, as capacity in the rest of the world continued to shrink. Global coal plant utilization hit a record low of 51% in 2019. The report highlights a shift in financing, with Western commercial banks largely exiting project finance for coal, while Japanese and Chinese public finance continue to support new developments. Significant retirements occurred in the US and EU, though some OECD nations like Japan and South Korea continue to develop new capacity.

The report finds that while global coal capacity grew by 34.1 GW in 2019, this was primarily driven by China, where 68.3 GW of new capacity began operating. Outside China, the global coal fleet shrank for the second consecutive year. Pre-construction pipelines are declining globally, with significant drops in India, Southeast Asia, Africa, and Latin America. In OECD countries, capacity has declined since 2011, though Japan remains a major driver of new coal power. Financing is becoming more restrictive, with no direct project finance from major US, European, or Australian banks for 2019 constructions, although public financing from China and India continues to support new projects.

The report identifies a four-year decline in coal power growth indicators, though global net capacity increased by 34.1 GW in 2019 primarily due to China. While the US and EU continue to retire coal plants, Japan remains a major OECD driver of coal development. Financial support from Western commercial banks has largely ceased, though Chinese state institutions continue to fund projects internationally. The report emphasizes that coal use must drop by 80% by 2030 to meet the 1.5°C target of the Paris Agreement.