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The report highlights that kerosene lamps emit significantly more black carbon than previously estimated, contributing to global warming and severe health risks. It argues that replacing these lamps with solar LED and other off-grid alternatives is a cost-effective climate mitigation strategy with substantial co-benefits. While many initiatives already exist, the report suggests the CCAC could add value by raising high-level awareness, promoting quality standards, and supporting finance for SMEs and consumers, particularly in Sub-Saharan Africa and South Asia.

The paper examines the debate surrounding the Mineral and Petroleum Resources Development Amendment Bill of 2013, specifically the potential shift from a 'first-in, first-assessed' (FIFA) system to competitive bidding for mining rights. It outlines the advantages of auctions—such as rent maximisation and increased transparency—while warning of risks including high administrative burdens, delays in mine development, and the potential for corruption in weak institutional environments. Using examples from Afghanistan and Liberia, the authors argue that any such system must be clearly enshrined in law to limit ministerial discretion and should ideally be a mixed system based on the availability of geological data.

The document analyzes the bipolar rivalry between Iran and Saudi Arabia within the Persian Gulf Regional Security Complex, examining how their competition for ideological leadership, regional security dominance, and energy market control influences their strategic engagement in Afghanistan. It explores the role of global powers—the USA, Russia, and China—in reinforcing these regional divisions and assesses the potential for a cooperative security architecture in the region.

The Lighting a Billion Lives (LaBL) initiative, launched by The Energy and Resources Institute (TERI), aims to provide sustainable solar lighting to un-electrified rural areas. In India, the program has reached approximately 500,000 people across 1,860 villages in 22 states. The model relies on local entrepreneurs who manage solar charging stations or DC micro grids, offering lighting via a fee-for-service rental model or through loan-financed enterprises. To ensure sustainability, TERI established 'Energy Enterprises' (Uttam Urja Shops) for after-sales support and product sales, with support from the UK's Department for International Development (DFID) to create over 400 such shops. The initiative has evolved its financing from initial grants to market-based equity and investment models and has expanded its scope to include mobile phone charging, vocational training for women, and conservation activities through various public-private-people partnerships.

The report analyzes the failure of early political inclusion in Afghanistan, the limited impact of amnesty programs, and the constraints on Norway's role as a peace facilitator due to its military commitments to NATO and the U.S.

The report examines the 'temporal scope' of the Nagoya Protocol, specifically whether access and benefit-sharing (ABS) obligations are triggered by the initial physical access to genetic resources (GRs) and traditional knowledge (TK) or by their subsequent utilisation. It argues that the European Commission's draft proposal, which limits obligations to resources accessed after the Protocol's entry into force, contradicts the ABS laws of many provider countries (such as Ethiopia, India, and South Africa) where utilisation is the trigger. The authors contend that this discrepancy will lead to legal uncertainty for EU users, who may be compliant with EU law but liable for criminal charges in provider countries, and will disincentivise provider countries from facilitating access to their biodiversity.

The document assesses the security and economic relationships between Afghanistan and its neighbours, including Pakistan, Iran, China, Russia, India, and Central Asian states. It argues that Afghanistan's stability depends on a combination of internal political reconciliation, the strengthening of national security forces, and a regional shift toward economic interdependence. The author suggests that by serving as a 'land bridge' for energy and trade, Afghanistan can motivate neighbouring states to support its stability rather than treating it as a zone for proxy competition.

The document analyzes the International Bar Association's Model Mining Development Agreement (MMDA 1.0), providing a template and narrative to ensure mining contracts promote sustainable development, transparency, and equitable resource distribution. It details key contractual areas including land tenure, royalties, taxation, and community obligations, while emphasizing the use of international standards like the IFC Performance Standards and EITI. Additionally, the report investigates the existence of similar model agreements for the oil and gas sector, concluding that no internationally accepted model currently exists despite the availability of various national form contracts.

The report examines how the DoD's unique capacity for end-to-end research, development, and procurement can be leveraged for energy innovation. It analyzes three case studies—gas turbines, alternative fuels, and soldier-portable power—and compares the innovation models of DARPA and ARPA-E. While the DoD is a powerful engine for technology, the report notes that its contributions to climate goals depend on the alignment of energy needs with the military's core security mission. It highlights the 'Installation Energy Test Bed' as a successful model for overcoming the 'Valley of Death' in technology commercialization.

The Obama administration's FY 2013 budget proposal emphasizes an "all of the above" energy strategy, prioritizing renewable energy, energy efficiency, and infrastructure. Key funding increases are directed toward the Department of Energy's Office of Energy Efficiency and Renewable Energy, building technology research, and high-speed rail. The proposal also calls for the elimination of $4 billion in fossil fuel subsidies and a significant investment in surface transportation, funded by savings from reduced overseas military operations.

The policy brief examines the 'letting others lead' approach of European states toward the regulation of commercial military services. It contends that the perceived restrictiveness of European frameworks is an illusion, as core military tasks are routinely outsourced and regulations are often interpreted permissively or bypassed. This lack of internal rigor leads European states to relegate regulatory initiative to allies (such as the US and UK), multi-stakeholder codes of conduct, and industry self-regulation, which further fragments the global regulatory landscape and reduces accountability.

The policy brief examines the growing but under-reported reliance on private companies for military services across Europe. It contends that unlike the US and UK, European states maintain 'hybrid' arrangements where the state remains closely linked to market actors, which masks the extent of commercialization and prevents public democratic debate. The author identifies four drivers of this trend—technological, economic, strategic, and public management processes—and argues that the resulting lack of clear accountability benefits security professionals who prefer to avoid public scrutiny.

The document examines the tension between international humanitarian law (IHL) and international human rights law (IHRL), identifying four primary legal logics—co-applicationist, separatist, sceptic, and operational—that shape how these frameworks interact during armed conflict. It highlights that while convergence is often viewed as a positive development in Norwegian policy, it creates significant practical and legal dilemmas regarding extraterritoriality, the principle of proportionality, and the operational clarity required by military forces.

The report analyzes the challenges of the Afghan conflict, emphasizing the need for a proactive, inclusive peace process. It suggests that successful negotiations require third-party facilitation, a structured negotiating framework, and transitional arrangements to manage security and governance. The authors argue against narrow power-sharing between elites, proposing instead a multidimensional approach involving power-sharing, power-dividing, power-creating, and power-diffusing mechanisms across political, military, territorial, and economic dimensions to ensure long-term stability and legitimacy.

The study examines how insurgent violence influenced electoral manipulation during Afghanistan's 2009 presidential election. Using a forensic 'last-digit' test validated by a physical recount, the authors find an inverted-U shaped relationship: moderate violence increases fraud by limiting the presence of election observers, but extreme violence decreases fraud by disrupting the loyalty networks required to manipulate results. The analysis further distinguishes between the incumbent and the challenger, finding that the challenger's fraud exhibits 'spatial displacement'—shifting to neighboring districts when local violence is too high—whereas the incumbent's fraud, tied to official state apparatus, does not.

Amory Lovins defends the U.S. military's adoption of renewable energy and biofuels against criticisms from RADM Robert G. James. Lovins asserts that reducing oil dependence is a strategic necessity to protect service members from convoy attacks and improve combat effectiveness. He clarifies that his research advocates for biofuels derived from waste and non-food crops rather than food crops, and highlights the development of ultra-efficient carbon-fiber vehicles as a means to reduce oil reliance.

The document details a seminar presentation by Chief Superintendent Vance B Gariba and a response by Dr Emmanuel Kisiangani regarding the African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM). It examines the historical context of Somalia's instability, the mandate and achievements of AMISOM—including the training of over 2,000 Somali police—and the systemic failures of the Transitional Federal Government (TFG). The discussion highlights critical gaps in AMISOM's mandate, such as the lack of civilian protection, and suggests that long-term stability requires transformative institutional building and potential political engagement with Al Shabaab leaders.

The document analyzes the emergence of political Islam and extremist movements in North Africa, arguing that poverty, unemployment, and political exclusion drive youth toward extreme ideologies. It examines various movements, from the Muslim Brotherhood's transnational networks to the violent activities of Al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM) and the Libyan Islamic Fighting Group (LIFG). The text highlights how North African states have used 'triangulation'—playing different Islamist factions against each other—to maintain stability, while also noting the role of transnational 'ummah' identities in blurring national borders.

The paper analyzes German foreign policy in Afghanistan post-9/11, rejecting the idea that it was solely driven by a 'culture of restraint' or operational adaptation. Instead, it proposes a 'two-level game' framework where Berlin navigated demands from NATO allies (particularly the US) and domestic public opposition. The author identifies four phases: an initial 'high risk' response to 9/11, a 'risk-minimization' defensive phase (2002-2006), an 'offensive risk-minimization' phase (2007-2011) characterized by symbolic COIN operations and increased aid, and a final 'zero risk' decision to withdraw by 2014 following US policy shifts.

The document analyzes the US engagement in Afghanistan, tracing the shift from a narrow focus on eliminating Al Qaeda and the Taliban to various military models, including the 'Afghan model', the 'American model', and counter-insurgency (COIN). It argues that despite adopting a 'comprehensive approach' at the 2006 Riga summit, US policy remained dominated by kinetic military operations, often alienating the local population and empowering warlords. The paper concludes that the militarization of policy and the use of military-led Provincial Reconstruction Teams (PRTs) limited the effectiveness of nation-building efforts.