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The Hindu Kush-Himalayan-Tibetan (HKHT) region is warming twice as fast as the global average, with temperatures increasing by 1.2 °C over the last 120 years. This warming, driven by CO2 and black carbon (BC), is causing widespread glacier retreat and a weakening of the South Asian monsoon system. Black carbon, a byproduct of incomplete combustion from fossil fuels and biomass, reduces snow albedo and heats the lower atmosphere via Atmospheric Brown Clouds (ABCs), potentially playing a role as significant as CO2 in melting Himalayan glaciers. These changes threaten water security for millions, including 500 million people in the Ganges River Basin, and increase the frequency of glacial lake outburst floods (GLOFs).

The document analyzes Asia's climate investment requirements, estimating annual mitigation needs at US$90–180 billion and adaptation costs at US$40–45 billion by 2030. It argues that while private finance can drive mitigation in major economies like China and India, public resources are essential for adaptation and for less developed countries. The briefing highlights opportunities in carbon markets and public-private leveraging, but warns that the Copenhagen Accord's US$100 billion target is insufficient for Asia's needs and that transport or financial transaction levies could negatively impact Asian trade and financial hubs.

Scientists for Global Responsibility (SGR) critiques the UK's Strategic Defence and Security Review for excluding nuclear weapons and maintaining an oversized military budget. SGR advocates for a 25% reduction in military spending, the cancellation of the Trident replacement system, and the retirement of various offensive conventional weapons. The organization argues that funds should be redirected toward tackling the roots of insecurity, such as poverty and unsustainable natural resource consumption, to improve energy security and mitigate climate change.

The report analyzes the Afghan madrasa sector, highlighting its diversity and the complex transnational links between Afghanistan and Pakistan. It examines the role of these schools in radicalization and militancy, while assessing the Afghan government's efforts to reform religious education to curb extremism and enhance state control.

The document critiques the African Union's (AU) decision to increase AMISOM forces from approximately 6,300 to 8,000 troops following Al-Shabaab bombings in Kampala in July 2010. It argues that the mission lacks the resources and political support necessary to succeed, noting that the Transitional Federal Government (TFG) lacks national legitimacy. Drawing parallels to failures in Afghanistan and previous UN missions in Somalia, the authors suggest that military intervention alone cannot resolve the crisis. They recommend a holistic strategy centered on an all-inclusive political process involving Al-Shabaab, Hizbul Islam, Puntland, and Somaliland, alongside the involvement of regional actors like Ethiopia and Eritrea, before transferring the mandate to a fully resourced UN mission.

The report details a two-day conference in Nairobi focused on the integration of the private security sector into African peacekeeping. It examines the shift from 'combat' roles to 'non-core' military functions, the tension between state monopolies on force and the efficiency of private contractors, and the urgent need for binding international regulatory frameworks to replace non-binding guidelines like the Montreux Document.

The report examines the gender gap in the Norwegian Armed Forces (NAF) and other NATO countries, arguing that while national recruitment is a prerequisite for female participation in international missions, it is not sufficient on its own. Despite implementing numerous initiatives, Norway has seen slow growth in female personnel, trailing behind countries like Canada, France, and the United States. The author analyzes NATO's recommended best practices across recruitment, employment, operational planning, and quality of life, noting that many states prioritize equal rights over the instrumental operational value of women. The report specifically highlights Canada's 'employer of choice' strategy as a successful model for Norway to consider, while cautioning that mandatory conscription for women in Norway may be premature without a deeper understanding of female motivation for military service.

Between 2004 and 2007, Cuba transitioned from a fragile, centralized power system plagued by frequent blackouts to a more resilient model. This was achieved through 'La Revolución Energética', which combined the mass replacement of inefficient appliances (lamps, refrigerators, air conditioners) with the installation of 1,854 diesel and fuel-oil-fired microgenerators. This decentralized architecture improved resilience against hurricanes and reduced oil consumption per kWh compared to central plants, while the country began shifting toward long-term renewable goals including wind, solar, and bagasse cogeneration.

The document analyzes Afghanistan's role within the Regional Security Complex (RSC) framework, examining its relationship with South Asia, the Persian Gulf, and Central Asia. It argues that neighboring states' engagement in Afghanistan is driven by internal regional conflicts—such as the India-Pakistan rivalry—rather than Afghan-centric issues. Consequently, the author suggests that a unilateral non-aggression commitment by Afghanistan is a more viable strategy for stability than the integrated regional approaches often proposed by international policymakers.

The document outlines the evolution of the 'Women, Peace and Security' framework, starting with UN Security Council Resolution 1325 (2000), which shifted the perception of women from victims to active participants in peace and security. It details three subsequent resolutions: 1820 (2008) and 1888 (2009), which focus on sexual violence in conflict, and 1889 (2009), which addresses women's participation in post-conflict peacebuilding. The brief notes that 17 member-states have developed National Action Plans (NAPs) and highlights specific Norwegian initiatives, including financial support for gender balance in humanitarian operations and the recruitment of women into police reserve pools.

The author contends that the U.S. Department of Defense (DOD) faces critical national security risks due to its inefficient use of fuel in the battlespace and its dependence on a vulnerable commercial electricity grid. To mitigate these, the document proposes two new strategic capabilities: 'Endurance,' which leverages energy efficiency to reduce the logistics 'tail' and increase combat effectiveness, and 'Resilience,' which utilizes onsite renewable microgrids to ensure mission continuity. The author advocates for a shift in metrics, specifically the use of the 'Fully Burdened Cost of Fuel' (FBCF), to incentivize the adoption of available technologies that could potentially reduce mobility-fuel requirements by two-thirds to three-fourths.

The briefing assesses the failure of the Djibouti reconciliation process and the subsequent dysfunction of the Transitional Federal Government (TFG) under President Sheikh Sharif Sheikh Ahmed. It critiques the international community for relying on a simplistic 'moderates versus extremists' binary and a counter-terrorist framework that ignores Somali factionalism and the complexities of groups like Shabaab. The author contends that the TFG is perceived as a tool of foreign interests and is plagued by internal corruption and leadership weaknesses. The document recommends moving away from military solutions and instead engaging the broader armed opposition and all sectors of Somali society to achieve lasting peace.

The document examines Brazil's shift toward a more ambitious, multi-polar foreign policy under President 'Lula' da Silva, characterized by a desire for UN Security Council reform, strengthened South-South cooperation, and a proactive role as a democratic stabilizer in South America.

The document outlines how climate action benefits U.S. national security through three primary channels: reducing reliance on foreign oil, transitioning to a distributed energy system to lower infrastructure vulnerability, and preventing climate-driven global instability. It specifically highlights that reducing petroleum consumption by 6 million barrels per day by 2030 could match current OPEC imports, and warns that climate change acts as a "threat multiplier" that could increase the burden on the U.S. military through humanitarian missions and threats to strategic bases like Diego Garcia.

The author analyzes President Obama's 2009 speech in Ghana, noting a transition from viewing Africa instrumentally through the 'war on terror' to seeing its development as intrinsic to global security. The new policy rests on four pillars: democracy and good governance, smart development assistance, public health, and conflict reduction. However, the author argues that the US's influence has diminished due to the Iraq war and the domestic financial crisis, allowing China, the EU, Russia, India, and Brazil to offer more programmatic or comprehensive partnerships. The document suggests that African nations, such as Ghana, can benefit from this competition by diversifying their partnerships across different global powers to meet specific national needs.

The document analyzes the trajectory of the Islamic Front of Salvation (FIS) in Algeria, from its emergence as a mass political party during the liberalisation of 1989 to its ban in 1992 and subsequent role in armed rebellion. It argues that the FIS's success was driven by social grievances and the failure of the ruling National Liberation Front (FLN), while its radicalisation was partly a response to state repression. The paper further assesses the current Algerian party system, noting a trend of public apathy and the continued dominance of the military and executive branch despite the inclusion of moderate Islamist parties in governing coalitions.

The 3rd GIBSA Partners' Meeting, held in April 2009 in Tshwane, South Africa, brought together representatives from Germany, India, Brazil, and South Africa to discuss the emerging global political and economic order. Key discussions focused on the transition of power from West to East, the role of 'smart power' in international relations, and the challenges facing African states in exerting influence globally. The meeting also analyzed the rise of 'club governance' (such as the G20 and Heiligendamm Process) as a flexible alternative to traditional multilateral institutions like the IMF and World Bank, while emphasizing that Africa remains more of a 'field of action' than a proactive actor in international relations.

The paper analyzes the legal precedents established by the ICC's pursuit of President Bashir, including the first summons of a sitting Head of State and the use of a UN Security Council referral under Resolution 1593. It explores the tension between state sovereignty and international justice, the potential for the Security Council to defer prosecutions under Article 16 of the Rome Statute, and the humanitarian crisis resulting from the Sudanese government's expulsion of aid agencies. The author argues that regional bodies like the African Union and the Arab League should prioritize human rights and the fight against impunity over defensive views of sovereignty.

The document assesses the dysfunctional state of Pakistan, characterized by military dominance and Islamist extremism, and argues that South Africa is uniquely positioned to assist through its experience in conflict resolution and democratization. It evaluates the fragile India-Pakistan peace process and identifies significant untapped economic potential for trade and investment between South Africa and Pakistan, while noting that political dissonance and the 'India factor' have historically hindered these ties.

The report examines the relationship between the global al-Qaida network and the Palestinian polity, focusing on the Gaza Strip. It argues that al-Qaida has used an offensive propaganda campaign to criticize Hamas for political moderation and has attempted to establish an operational foothold in the region. While the report finds no hard evidence of a formal al-Qaida organization in the Palestinian territories, it notes the emergence of various salafi-jihadi groups that have engaged in violence against 'non-Islamic' targets, Christians, and foreigners. Hamas has generally responded defensively to these challenges, fearing that radical elements within its own movement may be receptive to al-Qaida's message, especially under the pressure of international isolation.