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The document examines the link between presidential term extensions and political instability in Africa, citing recent crises in Burkina Faso and Burundi. It argues that the African Union (AU) must move beyond reacting to coups and instead proactively advocate for the entrenchment of term limits to ensure regional security and democratic consolidation.

The document examines how South Africa used its tenure on the UN Security Council to formalise institutional links between the UN and the African Union (AU), specifically through the application of Chapter VIII of the UN Charter. It argues that South Africa's efforts helped move the AU from a position of limited capacity to one of greater strategic co-operation, resulting in the creation of joint taskforces and improved coordination for peace support operations in Africa. The author suggests this 'hub and spoke' model of devolving security management to regional organisations offers a pragmatic alternative to the stalled process of formal UN Security Council reform.

The UNEP Financial Inquiry argues that while global financial assets are abundant, investment flows are misaligned with sustainable development due to systemic failures and ineffective pricing. It identifies five key financial areas for alignment—banking, bonds, institutional investment, central banks, and systemic risk assessment—and proposes a performance framework based on effectiveness, efficiency, and resilience to measure the scaling of sustainable finance.

The document argues that ethanol has high potential as a cooking fuel in Ethiopia, particularly in urban areas, but requires regulatory reform and stronger government commitment to attract private sector investment and overcome barriers like kerosene subsidies.

The policy brief argues that while South Africa is the only permanent African member of the G-20, the current system of inviting the AU chair and a NEPAD representative is insufficient due to high rotation and a lack of formal coordination. It highlights that G-20 agendas on infrastructure, tax reform, and sustainable development financing directly impact Africa's development goals, such as Agenda 2063. To address capacity gaps, the authors recommend establishing a coordinating secretariat within the AU Commission, drawing on the successful model used for the 2011 Busan Forum on Aid Effectiveness and South Africa's 2013 BRICS outreach to African countries.

The report provides a guide for city practitioners to build climate resilience in African cities, specifically focusing on the challenges of informality and inequality. It proposes an eight-step process for climate compatible development that integrates climate dynamics with socioeconomic and political dimensions, ranging from developing a vision and mapping linkages to the informal sector to assessing vulnerabilities and tracking progress.

The document presents findings from a 2013 South African Institute of International Affairs (SAIIA) survey of 60 diplomats and experts in Pretoria and Addis Ababa. It argues that while South Africa's commitment to an 'African Agenda' and peace resolution is respected, its overall strategic direction has become 'confusing' and 'obfuscated' under President Zuma. The briefing warns against 'trophy diplomacy'—attempting to project global influence before maturing as a geopolitical entity—and recommends reviewing the Foreign Policy White Paper to better balance relations between Africa, the West, and the emerging South. It specifically suggests that South Africa leverage shared priorities between East and Southern Africa to resolve stalled negotiations for the Tri-Partite Free Trade Area between COMESA, the ECA, and SADC.

The research paper outlines a strategy for 'climate compatible development' in African cities, which integrates climate change adaptation and mitigation with urban development. It emphasizes the need to work with informality and inequality, as a large portion of African urban growth occurs in slums. The authors propose a vision for 'adaptive African cities' and provide a practical eight-step model for community-based development, ranging from visioning and vulnerability mapping to the prioritisation of adaptation options and the tracking of outcomes.

The document outlines a framework for transitioning African governance toward the 2030 SDGs, emphasizing the need for National Councils for Sustainable Development (NCSDs) and integrated planning. It identifies current gaps, such as poor policy implementation and a dearth of data, and proposes capacity-building strategies and the establishment of Communities of Practice (CoP) to foster knowledge sharing across the continent.

The policy brief examines the emerging architecture of extractive governance in Africa, focusing on the Africa Mining Vision (AMV) and its implementing agency, the African Minerals Development Centre (AMDC). It highlights a critical gap between the economic contributions of the mining and oil sectors and the local socio-economic realities. The author argues that for these home-grown initiatives to succeed, they must leverage research from institutions like SAIIA's Governance of Africa's Resources Programme (GARP), coordinate better to avoid duplication with other bodies like the AfDB's African Natural Resources Centre, and form strategic partnerships with established global mechanisms such as the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative (EITI) and the Kimberley Process (KP).

The document examines the underutilisation of best practices within the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM), noting that while over 200 practices have been identified across 15 country review reports, they remain largely confined to those reports. It argues that best practices should serve as a central anchor for peer learning to drive governance reform. The author recommends that the APRM define best practices more clearly, integrate their identification into the initial country self-assessment phase to increase national ownership, and establish a central repository and dedicated learning forums to disseminate these home-grown solutions across the continent.

The research paper evaluates Nandi Dlamini-Zuma's first year as Chairperson of the African Union Commission (AUC). It credits her with improving the Commission's administrative efficiency, enhancing the AU's global diplomatic visibility, and initiating the 'Agenda 2063' framework. However, it highlights failures in managing conflicts in Mali and the Central African Republic, tensions arising from the appointment of South African diplomats to senior roles, and the ongoing challenge of the International Criminal Court's jurisdiction in Africa.

The document provides a multi-dimensional analysis of COVID-19 in Ethiopia, covering the health system's response, macroeconomic shocks, social vulnerabilities, and the intersection of the pandemic with political instability. It details government measures such as the state of emergency, financial support for banks, and public health campaigns, while highlighting critical gaps in digital governance and the risk of increased poverty.

The report details a workshop in Addis Ababa focused on the nexus of climate change adaptation and peacebuilding in Africa. It emphasizes that climate change exacerbates resource scarcity and conflict, necessitating 'conflict-sensitive' adaptation planning. The proceedings cover the application of the 'Do No Harm' (DNH) framework, the USAID Climate Change and Conflict Annex, and the role of population dynamics—particularly youth bulges and rapid urbanisation—in increasing vulnerability. Through a site visit to Sululta, Ethiopia, the report highlights the gap between conceptual tools and practical implementation. It concludes with recommendations to integrate conflict assessments into National Adaptation Plans (NAPs) and to sustain a multidisciplinary community of practice to influence policymakers and donors.

The Stockholm Environment Institute (SEI) argues that traditional cookstove projects often fail because they focus on installation numbers rather than sustainable market transformation. SEI advocates for a user-centered design approach, combining qualitative ethnographic data with quantitative choice experiments to understand the social, cultural, and economic drivers of energy decisions. The briefing highlights the need for business models that enable local replication and examines the role of carbon finance and innovative fuel sources, such as ethanol micro distilleries in Ethiopia, to reduce reliance on biomass.

The document analyzes how disputes over oil transit fees and resource control led to a cessation of oil production in South Sudan in January 2012 and armed clashes in the Heglig border area in April 2012. It details the pressures faced by international oil companies caught between the two governments and the diplomatic efforts by the UN Security Council and the African Union High-Level Implementation Panel (AUHIP) to broker a deal. The brief concludes with the September 2012 agreements on transit fees and compensation, while cautioning that implementation remains uncertain.

The African Union (AU) has shifted the continental focus from decolonisation to development and economic integration. While it has established institutional infrastructure, implemented peacekeeping missions, and promoted democratic norms—such as refusing to recognise coup-led governments—it faces a structural impasse in achieving developmental goals. The author argues that the AU must move beyond ambitious declarations toward pragmatic outcomes, specifically by translating governance into developmental deliverables, strengthening regional economic communities like ECOWAS, and clarifying leadership principles for the AU Commission.

The document analyzes the first free presidential election in Egypt following the ousting of Hosni Mubarak. It identifies three front-running candidates—Amr Moussa, Mohammed Mursi, and Abdelmumein Al Futuh—and discusses the tension between continuity and change. The briefing highlights critical challenges for the incoming president, including high unemployment, the absence of a finalized constitution, and the influential role of the military in both politics and the economy. It also notes the interests of international actors, specifically the United States, Qatar, and Saudi Arabia, in the election's outcome.

The document examines the shift in global development dynamics, noting the rise of South–South co-operation (SSC) and the emergence of 'state capitalism', exemplified by China. It argues that while the diversification of partners offers opportunities, African nations must proactively define their developmental interests and improve negotiating capacity to avoid being exploited by rising powers seeking resources. The author recommends that Africa adopt transparency and accountability principles similar to those in North-South aid, utilize national and regional development strategies as frameworks for cooperation, and establish regional codes of conduct for investments, particularly regarding farmland and food security.

The document examines the African Union's inability to act decisively during crises, such as in Libya and Côte d’Ivoire, attributing this to limited decision-making powers and divergent interests among its 54 member states. It analyzes South Africa's bid for the AU Commission chair as a signal of its intent to be more assertive in African geopolitics, while noting that its size and dominance can trigger fears of hegemony among other member states. The author suggests that South Africa should 'lead from behind' by building alliances with other states to professionalize the AU rather than seeking formal leadership positions.