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The analysis examines how US universal and sectoral tariffs affect Latin American countries, noting that while Mexico and Central American nations face higher effective tariff rates, South American nations are more vulnerable to indirect shocks from China. It highlights that China's ability to implement counter-cyclical fiscal and monetary policies to mitigate US tariff impacts will determine the stability of commodity prices and growth in South America.

The document examines the dual tracks of e-commerce negotiations at the WTO: the multilateral Work Programme and the plurilateral Joint Statement Initiative (JSI). It highlights a shift in the JSI where contentious issues like data flows and source code were archived following a US policy shift in October 2023. A central point of tension remains the moratorium on customs duties for electronic transmissions, with developing nations citing lost public revenue and the need for industrial policy space, while developed nations argue the moratorium lowers trade costs and benefits consumers. The document notes that the outcome of the moratorium debate and the potential integration of JSI treaties into WTO law are key expectations for MC13.

The author contends that the World Trade Organization's (WTO) current strategy of expanding environmental discussions without binding enforcement, contrasted with the European Union's use of unilateral coercive trade measures like the Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism (CBAM), creates a governance gap. The text suggests that 'hybrid' plurilateral agreements, such as New Zealand's Agreement on Climate Change, Trade and Sustainability, offer a superior cooperative model by integrating both environmental goals and enforceable trade mechanisms.

The author argues that despite the absence of a functioning Appellate Body, the WTO dispute settlement system remains resilient because panels continue to follow established jurisprudence, which has become an 'informal constitution' for the organization. While the US continues to challenge the system's authority, particularly regarding national security exceptions, other members are experimenting with ad hoc arbitration like the MPIA. The author suggests that a new appellate court could function even without mandatory US jurisdiction and argues that restoring the original system should not be the sole priority given other urgent global trade challenges.

The paper contends that traditional industrial policy is outdated because it focuses almost exclusively on manufacturing, despite services accounting for approximately two-thirds of global GDP. It proposes a 'service-led' industrial policy based on five pillars: infrastructure, investment/FDI, human capital, regulatory quality, and connectivity. The author highlights that services offer developing economies a more inclusive and sustainable path to growth due to lower capital intensity and smaller minimum scales for global competitiveness. Furthermore, the document notes that the General Agreement on Trade in Services (GATS) provides governments with more policy space for experimentation compared to the stricter rules governing goods.

The briefing argues that as countries increase climate ambition and carbon pricing, carbon border adjustments (BCA) are becoming inevitable to prevent carbon leakage. To ensure these mechanisms remain environmental rather than protectionist, the author proposes specific principles—such as prioritizing leakage prevention over competitiveness and providing credits for equivalent foreign carbon pricing—and best practices regarding coverage, data standards, and appeal mechanisms. The author suggests the World Trade Organization (WTO) as the ideal multilateral forum for discussing these guidelines, specifically highlighting the 2021 Ministerial Conference (MC12) as a critical starting point.

The author argues that traditional industrial policy is overly focused on manufacturing and must be redesigned for a services-led economy. Services now represent two-thirds of global GDP and act as critical inputs for all sectors. The paper proposes five pillars for a services-oriented policy: infrastructure, foreign direct investment, human capital, regulatory quality, and digital/physical connectivity. It highlights that developing economies can leverage services due to lower capital intensity, smaller scale requirements, and lower carbon footprints. Furthermore, the author notes that the General Agreement on Trade in Services (GATS) provides governments with more policy space for experimentation than the rules governing goods.

The Trade Knowledge Network (TKN), coordinated by the International Institute for Sustainable Development since 1998, is a global collaboration of research institutions across Africa, Asia, Europe, and the Americas. It focuses on strengthening research capacity in developing countries to generate policy analysis on the impacts of trade and investment on sustainable development. The TKN operates through four pillars: strengthening Southern research capacity, generating innovative policy research, connecting with policy-makers, and building a global research network. Its approach is 'Southern-driven,' ensuring research is executed within the local contexts where it is applied. Recent projects have addressed regional trade integration, commodity price volatility, food security in Africa linked to climate change and land degradation, and foreign direct investment incentives in Southeast Asia. Since 1998, the TKN has partnered with over 35 institutions in 28 countries and published more than 80 reports.

The International Institute for Sustainable Development (IISD) and IUCN propose the Standing Conference on Trade and Environment (SCTE) to bridge the gap between trade liberalization and sustainable development. The proposal argues that neither trade organizations like the WTO nor existing environmental bodies have successfully articulated a coherent environmental agenda for trade. The SCTE is envisioned as a non-permanent, 'light structure' gathering governments, international organizations, and civil society to formulate realistic policy recommendations. It aims to prevent the environmental community from undermining the WTO by creating a formal channel for environmental priorities, specifically addressing the needs of developing countries and the management of environmental risks in international trade.

The document examines the complex interactions between international trade, development aid, and security, specifically focusing on how the exploitation of natural resources can fuel violent conflict. It argues that current trade and aid frameworks often exacerbate instability in the 'South' due to inequitable rules, the 'resource curse', and the misuse of assistance. To counter this, the authors propose six policy objectives: designing conflict-sensitive trade and aid policies, restricting the trade of 'conflict resources', fostering responsible business practices, improving domestic governance, and enhancing the management of natural resource and aid revenues.

The Trade Knowledge Network (TKN), launched in 1997 and coordinated by the International Institute for Sustainable Development (IISD), works to build long-term capacity to incorporate sustainable development into national, bilateral, regional, and multilateral trade policies. Its primary objectives include producing country- and region-specific research, engaging trade policy-makers, building the capacity of partner organizations through training and cooperative research, and facilitating the global exchange of best practices. The network comprises partners across various developing and developed nations, including organizations in Argentina, Chile, China, India, Bangladesh, Costa Rica, Canada, Vietnam, Mexico, El Salvador, the USA, Pakistan, and South Africa, with funding support from entities such as the Swiss Agency for Development and Cooperation (SDC).

The document analyzes the responses of ASEAN nations to US tariffs imposed in April 2025. Most members, including Indonesia, Malaysia, Thailand, and Vietnam, have prioritized negotiation over retaliation due to high export dependence on the US market. Strategies include individual bilateral discussions, a coordinated regional response led by Malaysia (the 2025 ASEAN chair), diversification via the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) and BRICS, and internal economic support packages, such as Thailand's 15 billion USD stimulus.

The Indo-Pacific Economic Framework for Prosperity (IPEF) is a flexible economic initiative involving the United States and 13 other nations, organized around four pillars: connected, resilient, clean, and fair economies. Unlike traditional free trade agreements, IPEF avoids tariff liberalization, which has led to criticisms regarding the lack of U.S. concessions and concerns over the long-term commitment of partners like India. Early ministerial meetings have highlighted tensions over the adoption of high standards, with countries such as Malaysia and Japan requesting transition periods, while the U.S. focuses on digital standards and industrial decarbonization as key areas of influence.

The Investment Facilitation for Development (IFD) Agreement aims to increase foreign direct investment (FDI) flows to developing economies and least-developed countries by improving transparency, simplifying administrative procedures, and promoting sustainable investment. While 117 WTO members have participated in the Joint Statement Initiative (JSI) to finalize the text, the agreement faces significant hurdles for formal integration into the WTO system. Opponents, including India and South Africa, argue that such plurilateral initiatives undermine the WTO's consensus-based mandate and distract from the Doha Development Agenda. Proponents view the agreement as a way to modernize the WTO's negotiating function through 'variable geometry.' The agreement includes special and differential treatment (S&DT) for developing nations, allowing for flexible implementation timelines and capacity-building support.

The document analyzes the Investment Facilitation for Development (FID) Agreement, which aims to improve investment climates in participating countries by increasing transparency and reducing administrative burdens for foreign direct investment (FDI). It details the agreement's focus on governance reforms and special and differential treatment (S&DT) for developing countries and least developed countries (LDCs), while noting that it does not address market access or investor-state dispute settlement. The text outlines the legal and systemic debates surrounding its incorporation into the WTO as a plurilateral agreement, highlighting opposition from India and Turkey regarding the lack of a multilateral mandate and the potential fragmentation of the WTO agenda. The outcome at MC14 will determine whether the agreement is formally adopted within the WTO or if alternative administration options outside the framework must be explored.

The European Union and United Kingdom are developing legislative frameworks to prevent the import and export of commodities linked to deforestation. The EU's proposal focuses on a phased due diligence system for specific commodities (cattle, cocoa, coffee, palm oil, soy, and wood) and a country-based risk benchmarking system. The UK's Environment Act 2021 establishes a broader framework where specific high-risk commodities and due diligence requirements will be defined through secondary regulations. Both approaches face challenges regarding WTO compliance, the administrative burden on smallholders in developing countries, and the need for transition periods.

While the MENA region has low direct exposure to US tariffs, it faces significant indirect risks including energy price volatility, trade diversion (specifically 'dumping' of Chinese steel and aluminium), and inflationary pressures. Certain countries are more exposed than others, with Jordan facing risks to its garment exports, while Türkiye may gain competitiveness in textiles. The region's long-standing policy of non-alignment between the US and China is under pressure as trade is increasingly weaponized, though the Gulf's strategic geography and investments in digital infrastructure offer paths toward resilience.

The briefing outlines key environmental priorities for the WTO's MC12, focusing on fisheries subsidies, climate policy alignment with the Paris Agreement, and several member-led initiatives. It highlights the 'Structured Discussions on Trade and Environmental Sustainability' (TESSD), a ministerial declaration on plastic pollution, and a proposal for fossil fuel subsidy reform. The author emphasizes that success depends on integrating the needs of developing countries through enhanced 'Aid for Trade' and inclusive dialogue to avoid a two-speed global green economy.

The document analyzes how contemporary industrial policies—focused on green transformation, digital transition, and strategic autonomy—conflict with WTO rules established in the 1990s. It details specific frictions regarding subsidies, local content requirements, export restrictions, import duties, and technology transfer. The authors highlight that while no formal mandate for new rules exists, informal dialogues and structured discussions on trade and environmental sustainability are serving as venues for members to explore reforms. The text emphasizes the need for the WTO's evolution to account for positive externalities of green subsidies and the specific constraints faced by developing countries and least-developed countries.

The document analyzes how modern industrial policies—focused on the green transition, digital transformation, and supply chain security—often conflict with WTO rules established in the 1990s. It details specific frictions regarding subsidies, local content requirements, export restrictions, tariffs, and technology transfer. The authors highlight that while formal mandates for new rules are absent, informal dialogues and the Structured Dialogues on Trade and Environmental Sustainability (SDTES) are serving as critical forums for members to share experiences and test ideas. The text argues that the 14th Ministerial Conference (MC14) represents a key opportunity to address these systemic misalignments and ensure that the future of the multilateral trading system reflects the priorities of both developed and developing nations.