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The document details the socio-economic disruptions caused by COVID-19 and the logistical barriers to achieving global herd immunity. It highlights that the extreme cold-storage requirements of the Pfizer and Moderna vaccines created significant accessibility gaps for countries lacking advanced cold-chain infrastructure, citing India as a specific example where the cost and scale of required equipment would be prohibitive.

The report advocates for a paradigm shift in sanitation and wastewater management, moving from a 'waste disposal' model to a 'resource recovery' model. It details how the safe recovery of water, nutrients, organic matter, and energy from human excreta and wastewater can improve public health, enhance agricultural productivity, and mitigate climate change. The text provides a comprehensive framework for sustainable systems, covering technical design, health risk management, environmental protection, institutional governance, and financial models. It emphasizes that sustainability depends on adapting technologies to local geographic, social, and economic contexts rather than applying universal solutions. The report includes diverse global case studies—ranging from potable water reuse in Namibia to biogas production in China and fuel briquettes in Kenya—to demonstrate the practical viability of these systems.

The report evaluates three policy scenarios for transitioning New Jersey's medium- and heavy-duty (M/HD) vehicle fleet to zero-emission vehicles (ZEVs). The most ambitious scenario, '100 x 40 ZEV + Clean Grid', projects cumulative net societal benefits of over $21 billion by 2050, including 303 avoided premature deaths and 325 fewer hospital visits. While ZEVs currently have higher purchase costs, the analysis predicts lifetime cost parity with combustion vehicles by 2030. The transition is expected to generate national macroeconomic gains in GDP and higher-paying jobs in electrical manufacturing and infrastructure, although net job gains may reverse by 2045 due to reduced fuel and maintenance spending. Implementation would require significant investment in depot and public charging infrastructure, with the 100 x 40 ZEV scenario requiring an average of $73 million annually for depot charging and $46 million for public networks.

The analysis models three policy scenarios for Southern New England, ranging from the adoption of California's Advanced Clean Trucks (ACT) rule to a more aggressive '100 x 40 ZEV + Clean Grid' scenario. The findings indicate that transitioning the M/HD fleet to zero-emission vehicles (ZEVs) would yield significant net societal benefits, including reduced premature deaths, lower greenhouse gas emissions, and long-term cost savings for fleets and electricity customers. While initial purchase costs for ZEVs are higher, the report projects lifetime cost parity with combustion vehicles by 2035. Macroeconomic analysis suggests the transition would result in national net job gains and increased GDP, with new jobs in electrical component manufacturing and infrastructure construction offering higher average wages than the jobs they replace.

The report analyzes the transition of Washington's medium- and heavy-duty (M/HD) vehicle fleet to zero-emission vehicles (ZEVs) under three scenarios: the ACT Rule, the ACT + NOx Omnibus Rule, and a highly ambitious '100 x 40 ZEV + Clean Grid' scenario. The most aggressive scenario is projected to generate cumulative net societal benefits of over $42.8 billion by 2050, including significant reductions in premature deaths and greenhouse gas emissions. While ZEVs currently have higher purchase costs, the analysis predicts lifetime cost parity with combustion vehicles by 2030. The transition is expected to benefit electric utilities through increased revenue and potentially lower electricity rates for residential and commercial customers, while creating national job gains in electrical component manufacturing and infrastructure construction.

The Clean Air Task Force (CATF) condemns the EPA's decision to keep ozone standards that the organization claims are insufficient to protect public health, particularly during a respiratory pandemic. CATF argues that evidence supports a stronger primary standard of 60 ppb to prevent respiratory symptoms and lung impairment, and notes the EPA's failure to establish a science-based secondary standard for ecosystems as required by a court.

The Clean Air Task Force argues that the EPA's decision to maintain current particulate matter standards ignores scientific evidence and career staff recommendations for a tighter standard (as low as 8 µg/m 3), thereby undermining public health and environmental justice for low-income communities and people of color.

The Global Climate and Health Alliance urges governments, particularly G20 nations, to increase climate commitments by three to five times to align with the Paris Agreement's 1.5-2°C goal. The Alliance argues that COVID-19 recovery spending must be integrated with climate strategies to maximize economic and health benefits, noting that G20 countries are responsible for 78% of global greenhouse gas emissions but lack commitments aligned with the 1.5°C target.

The 2020 report outlines the progress of the WHO-Civil Society Working Group, highlighting its role in advocating for a 'healthy recovery' from COVID-19 and placing health at the center of UNFCCC dialogues. Key achievements include a mobilization of over 40 million health professionals, the delivery of a health-focused webinar for students in Portugal, and the initiation of a literature review to update research gaps in climate and health. The group aims to further align health civil society efforts leading up to COP26 in Glasgow.

The document examines the COVID-19 pandemic as a systemic crisis that exposed deep inequalities and the fragility of market-based systems. It argues that the health crisis is inextricably linked to environmental collapse, specifically biodiversity loss and zoonotic risks. The text advocates for the revival of the social state, the implementation of a 'foundational economy' that prioritizes basic human needs over profit, and the adoption of 'technological humanism' to bridge the digital divide. It also analyzes the political responses of Green parties in Europe and the rise of authoritarianism and right-wing populism during the crisis, while highlighting grassroots solidarity networks and the disproportionate impact of the pandemic on marginalized groups, including migrants and the elderly.

The strategy outlines a comprehensive plan for Bosnia and Herzegovina to transition to a green economy by 2030 and achieve significant emission reductions by 2050. It identifies high vulnerability in agriculture, water management, and forestry due to increasing temperature extremes and erratic precipitation. The document proposes a low-carbon development path focusing on replacing inefficient coal-fired power plants with renewables, improving building energy efficiency, and modernising transport. A total investment of approximately BAM 16.7 billion is estimated for mitigation and BAM 170 million for adaptation by 2030.

Earthjustice calls on the Biden administration to implement transformative changes to build a climate-resilient world, specifically demanding a moratorium on new oil and gas leasing on federal lands and the prioritization of clean energy solutions that benefit BIPOC communities.

The Life After Coal campaign (LAC) has formally objected to Eskom's attempts to secure exemptions from the Minimum Emission Standards (MES), asserting that such exemptions are prohibited under section 59 of the Air Quality Act (AQA). The LAC argues that Eskom, as South Africa's largest air polluter, cannot be legally exempt from national emission standards, and that granting such exemptions would undermine the rule of law, harm public health, and set a dangerous precedent for future climate change legislation.

The Canadian Association of Physicians for the Environment and other groups are calling for the modernization of the Canadian Environmental Protection Act (CEPA), 1999, asserting that the law is outdated and fails to address current environmental and health risks. The briefing highlights the disproportionate impact of toxics on marginalized groups, including Indigenous people and lower-income Canadians, and advocates for the implementation of 87 recommendations made by the House of Commons Standing Committee on Environment and Sustainable Development in 2017. Proposed amendments include banning highly hazardous substances, establishing national air and drinking water quality standards, and recognizing the human right to a healthy environment.

The document examines the coordinated response of African regional bodies and the specific national strategies of South Africa and Nigeria during the COVID-19 pandemic. It highlights the role of the Africa CDC and AU in fostering continental cooperation, while contrasting the high-testing, strict-lockdown approach of South Africa with Nigeria's reliance on existing polio and Ebola infrastructure. The paper argues that while health measures were often proactive, the socio-economic fallout—including job losses, increased poverty, and human rights violations by security forces—will have a more lasting impact than the virus itself.

The document argues that Latin American countries failed to coordinate their COVID-19 responses, contrasting this with the coordinated efforts seen in Africa. It highlights how the dismantling of regional health mechanisms, political denialism in Brazil and Mexico, and the instrumentalisation of multilateral organisations like PAHO hampered the region's ability to manage the crisis. The author notes that this lack of coordination, combined with underfunded healthcare systems and pre-existing economic vulnerabilities, led to high death rates and severe economic contractions, disproportionately affecting women and those in informal settlements.

The document introduces the LEAP-IBC tool, which quantifies the co-benefits of reducing greenhouse gases and short-lived climate pollutants (SLCPs) on public health and air quality. Applying this framework to Bangladesh's Nationally Determined Contribution (NDC) and National Action Plan to reduce SLCPs, the study finds that full implementation by 2030 would significantly reduce emissions of carbon dioxide, methane, black carbon, and PM2.5, leading to a decrease in ambient PM2.5 concentrations and the avoidance of approximately 112,000 premature deaths.

The document examines the intersection of the COVID-19 pandemic, climate change, and urban inequality, proposing six priority solutions to build climate-resilient and equitable cities. It highlights how the pandemic exposed systemic vulnerabilities, particularly for the urban poor in informal settlements, and argues that adaptation investments offer high benefit-cost ratios (2:1 to 10:1) and local job creation. Proposed solutions include upgrading poor settlements, building water resilience, advancing nature-based solutions, creating knowledge networks, enhancing devolved funding, and fostering peer-to-peer city collaboration.

South Africa demonstrated strong leadership as AU chair by coordinating a continental response to COVID-19, including the establishment of regional task forces and a medical supplies platform. However, this soft power is undermined by persistent institutionalised xenophobia and a 'South Africans first' political discourse that marginalises African migrants. The author argues that domestic treatment of African nationals is a critical indicator of South Africa's leadership potential and warns that economic instability and corruption further exacerbate these internal cleavages.

A survey of 800 registered Michigan voters indicates a majority oppose spending $1.5 trillion to replace the U.S. nuclear arsenal and nearly $100 billion to replace land-based nuclear missiles. Voters expressed a preference for federal spending on cleaning up polluted drinking water, expanding health care, increasing job opportunities, and improving infrastructure. The data shows that women, voters of color, college-educated voters, and those in suburbs near cities are most likely to oppose the nuclear overhaul, with nearly 60% of Black voters in opposition.