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The 2021 gas crisis caused a paradigm shift in the EU's electricity transition, with skyrocketing prices making fossil gas more expensive than coal and enhancing the competitiveness of renewables. For the first time in Europe, combined wind and solar generation (547 TWh) exceeded gas (524 TWh). While solar growth is surging in countries like Spain and the Netherlands, it remains stagnant in others such as Italy, Czechia, and Romania. Additionally, the structural decline of nuclear power in the EU has slowed decarbonisation, as a significant portion of renewable growth has replaced lost nuclear output rather than fossil fuels.

In 2021, EU-27 electricity demand nearly returned to 2019 levels, with renewables reaching a record 1068 TWh and accounting for 37% of production. A critical shift occurred in the second half of 2021 when soaring gas prices made fossil gas more expensive than coal, leading new renewable output to predominantly replace gas rather than coal. While wind and solar output hit record highs (547 TWh), overall power sector emissions fell by an average of 2.5% per year since 2019, which is less than half the 6% annual decline required to align with a 1.5C pathway. Nuclear power continued a long-term structural decline, accounting for 26% of production in 2021.

The European Electricity Review 2022 identifies a 'paradigm shift' in the EU power sector where soaring gas prices in 2021 led new renewable energy to replace fossil gas instead of coal. While wind and solar reached record generation of 547 TWh in 2021, overall power sector emissions declined at less than half the rate required to meet 1.5°C targets. The report highlights that coal phase-outs are stalling in some regions, such as Poland, and that the structural decline of nuclear power is further slowing decarbonization by forcing renewables to replace lost nuclear capacity rather than fossil fuels.

The research analyzes 130 case studies from the past decade to examine social mobilization against energy infrastructure, including low-carbon options. It identifies how national institutions and responses to global pressures influence the varying politics of energy transitions across different countries and energy types.

The report outlines a consensus among approximately 30 Canadian civil society organizations to prioritize absolute emissions reductions over carbon removals and offsets. Key recommendations include establishing a firm fossil fuel phase-out date, ending subsidies for nuclear and carbon capture technologies, and integrating Indigenous reconciliation and just transition principles into climate policy. The document highlights a tension between incremental government targets and the systemic change required to align with a 1.5°C warming limit.

The report details a series of virtual workshops held in 2021 involving approximately 30 civil society organizations to discuss Canada's net-zero goals. The findings highlight a strong consensus on the need for absolute emission reductions, the phase-out of fossil fuels, and the prioritization of 'safe bets' like clean electricity and energy efficiency over uncertain technologies. Key areas of concern include the role of carbon capture and storage (CCS), the use of carbon offsets, and the necessity of integrating climate justice and Indigenous reconciliation into national strategies. The document concludes with a set of proposed 'guardrails' and policy demands to guide Canada's transition to carbon neutrality.

The report finds that South Africa's energy fiscal policies are largely misaligned with its climate goals, with fossil fuel subsidies totaling ZAR 172 billion in FY 2020/21. These subsidies, particularly Eskom bailouts and carbon tax exemptions, outweigh the ZAR 100.5 billion in fossil fuel revenues. The social costs of fossil fuel combustion—estimated at a minimum of ZAR 550 billion annually—far exceed both revenues and subsidies. While the Renewable Energy Independent Power Producer Procurement Programme (REIPPPP) has successfully lowered renewable energy costs, investment has been hindered by political opposition and Eskom's financial instability. The report recommends tying bailouts to transition reforms, phasing out carbon tax exemptions, and using fossil fuel tax revenues to support vulnerable households and a just transition.

The report analyzes Egypt's path to 2050, highlighting critical risks from rapid population growth (projected to reach 150 million) and severe water shortages expected by 2025. It identifies systemic economic issues, including a large informal sector and high youth unemployment, alongside health crises driven by non-communicable diseases. Through the International Futures (IFs) platform, the authors simulate seven sectoral interventions—covering demography, economy, governance, energy, health, education, and agriculture—concluding that a combined policy push could nearly double the economy's size and significantly reduce extreme poverty by 2050.

The Inflation Reduction Act of 2022 establishes a series of tax incentives aimed at reducing greenhouse gas emissions to an estimated 42% below 2005 levels by 2030. These provisions cover clean electricity, including the extension of renewable energy credits and support for existing nuclear power; clean fuel production, specifically targeting clean hydrogen, renewable fuels, and sustainable aviation fuels; energy efficiency for homes and commercial buildings; and the adoption of clean vehicles. Additionally, the Act provides incentives for clean energy manufacturing to develop domestic supply chains for technologies such as carbon capture, solar, wind, and battery components.

The report examines the challenges of implementing a just transition in Argentina, highlighting a critical lack of coordination between government agencies and a lack of consensus on the necessity of decarbonisation. It identifies the energy sector (51% of emissions) and the agriculture, forestry and other land use (AFOLU) sector (39% of emissions) as the primary areas for mitigation. The document notes that while the government has committed to emission reductions via its NDC, it simultaneously prioritises the expansion of oil and gas resources in the Vaca Muerta basin. Key recommendations include creating a unified national decarbonisation plan, expanding stakeholder participation beyond 'testimonial' processes, and addressing deep-seated gender and ethnic inequalities within the productive sectors.

The European Electricity Review 2022 methodology outlines how Ember aggregates electricity data for 32 countries. It uses Eurostat for historical data up to 2019 and primarily the ENTSO-E transparency platform for more recent monthly generation data, with specific national sources used to correct known inaccuracies in countries like Italy, Finland, and the Netherlands. Generation capacity is sourced from IRENA for renewables and nuclear, and Global Energy Monitor for coal and gas. Carbon intensity for the EU power sector is calculated using European Environment Agency and Eurostat data for 2000-2019, with 2020 and 2021 estimates based on standard emissions factors for hard coal, lignite, fossil gas, and other fossil fuels.

The report analyzes the EU's Taxonomy Delegated Act of February 2nd, 2022, which classifies certain gas and nuclear energy activities as "transitional." Reclaim Finance argues that the criteria for gas-fired plants are too lenient, potentially leading to stranded assets and incompatibility with the 1.5C goal. It further contends that new nuclear reactors are unsuitable as transitional activities due to long construction times and unresolved long-term waste management costs.

The 2021 Climate, Environmental, and Energy Congressional Hearings Tracker catalogs a wide array of legislative inquiries across both the House and Senate. The hearings covered a diverse range of subjects, including the 'Clean Future Act', the 'American Jobs Plan', the impact of PFAS 'forever chemicals', and the resilience of the electric grid following the 2021 Texas grid failure. Significant attention was given to environmental justice, the role of the Department of Energy in innovation, and international climate strategies leading up to COP26. The tracker organizes these hearings by committee, detailing the specific focus of each session, from sustainable aviation and offshore wind to the management of public lands and the risks of climate change in the Arctic.

The text analyzes the Swiss system of direct democracy, detailing the processes for constitutional amendments through popular initiatives and optional referendums. It highlights the historical milestone of granting women federal voting rights in 1971 and discusses the influence of non-parliamentary forces and financial opacity in modern campaigns. The author concludes by questioning whether the Swiss model of creating citizenship through direct democracy could serve as a model for strengthening European citizenship.

The CEEAG guidelines, effective from January 2022, streamline public financial support for decarbonisation, renewables, and nature restoration while introducing new categories for clean mobility and coal phase-out. While they promote technology-neutral competitive tenders, the document highlights concerns regarding continued support for fossil gas, the lack of a clear definition for 'low-carbon hydrogen', and the limited ambition of energy efficiency commitments for energy-intensive users.

The report analyzes the IEA's Net Zero Emissions by 2050 (NZE) scenario, highlighting its call for an immediate end to new fossil fuel supply projects and a 75% reduction in methane emissions by 2030. While acknowledging the NZE as a benchmark for 1.5C alignment, the author criticizes its heavy reliance on carbon capture and storage (CCS), carbon dioxide removal (CDR), and biomass, which the report argues could prolong fossil fuel use and cause land-use conflicts. It further notes that the IEA underestimates the cost-competitiveness of renewables and the risks associated with nuclear energy. The document recommends that financial institutions immediately cease support for new fossil fuel and LNG projects and that the IEA adopt a more precautionary approach to unproven technologies.

The document analyzes the resurgent roles of China and Russia in Africa since 2000. China's influence is primarily economic, driven by the Belt and Road Initiative and long-term infrastructure investments, while Russia's approach is more opportunistic, focusing on mining, arms exports, and the deployment of private military contractors in fragile states. While the two powers coordinate on challenging Western norms and supporting non-interference in the UN Security Council, they maintain a 'competitive partnership' characterized by limited strategic coordination in security and economics, and occasional competition for commercial contracts in countries like Zimbabwe.

Russia is attempting to leverage historical Soviet-era ties and new institutional frameworks, such as the Russia–Africa Partnership Forum, to increase its presence in Zambia and Tanzania. While there is significant high-level political engagement and cooperation in nuclear energy and military sales, the report finds that Russia's economic footprint remains limited compared to China and other global powers. Key efforts include the promotion of nuclear research centers in Zambia and the use of 'debt-for-development' schemes, though the latter have seen little success in these two countries. The report also notes the use of the COVID-19 pandemic for geopolitical gain through vaccine diplomacy and targeted tourism to Zanzibar.

The document evaluates the revised Renewable Energy Directive (RED), praising the expansion of renewable energy targets into heavy industry and the prevention of double counting for carbon capture and utilization (CCU). However, it criticizes the lack of strong sustainability criteria for biomass, noting that food crops are still labeled as renewable energy. The author emphasizes that 'additionality' in renewable energy production is critical for green hydrogen and renewable fuels of non-biological origin (RFNBOs) to prevent increased natural gas consumption in the power sector. The text also discusses the necessity of grid strengthening and demand-side flexibility for the EU to potentially achieve 100% renewable energy.

The author contends that referendums are not 'direct democracy' but mediated mechanisms shaped by institutional rules. The text distinguishes between frequent referendums and occasional 'plebiscites' used by leaders to resolve social divisions or gain legitimacy. Using examples from Switzerland, Ireland, and Iceland, the author illustrates how different models operate. The central argument is that frequent use of referendums is preferable as it empowers citizens and demystifies the concept of a final 'general will'.