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The report argues that Africa must transition from a principled but often fragmented approach to a pragmatic diplomatic strategy to avoid becoming a 'rule-taker' in a fracturing multilateral system. It identifies critical weaknesses in African coordination, specifically within the A3+ bloc and the African Union's (AU) financial sustainability, and proposes concrete reforms for UN Security Council (UNSC) representation, peace and security financing, and the professionalization of diplomatic missions through think-tank partnerships.

The document analyzes the factors driving the high demand for BRICS membership, introducing the concept of 'magnetic pull'—where ideas about development and systemic reform act as coalition magnets. It traces the group's expansion from South Africa's entry in 2010 to the 2023 enlargement (adding Egypt, Ethiopia, Iran, and the UAE) and the 2024 introduction of a 'Partner Country' category. While the group's appeal is rooted in South-South cooperation and de-dollarization, the author notes challenges to internal cohesion and the limits of its attraction, as seen in Argentina's rejection of membership.

The document examines the evolution of BRICS from a financial acronym to an intergovernmental group, focusing on its annual declarations. It finds that while BRICS successfully used the G20 to push for reforms in the IMF and World Bank following the 2007-8 financial crisis, there remains a significant gap between its high-level declarative statements and actual collective policy implementation.

The paper examines the evolution of BRICS from a financial acronym to an intergovernmental configuration, focusing on its first ten annual declarations. It argues that while BRICS successfully projects a vision of representing the 'majority world' and achieved early wins in reforming global financial institutions via the G20, there remains a significant lack of clarity regarding collective policy coordination and the actual implementation of its broader declarative statements.

The statement claims that global governance is currently dominated by transnational corporations and a few powerful nations, leading to the marginalization of the Global South and the failure to address climate change and inequality. It criticizes the upcoming Summit of the Future as likely to maintain the neoliberal status quo and demands the abolition of the UN Security Council veto, the restructuring of financial institutions like the IMF and World Bank, and the reform of trade and intellectual property regimes to support the Global South.

Friends of the Earth International, alongside other organizations, asserts that global governance is currently paralyzed by geopolitical tensions and the influence of transnational corporations, which marginalizes the Global South and fails to solve existential crises. The statement criticizes the upcoming UN 'Summit of the Future' as likely to maintain the neoliberal status quo and proposes a new framework based on equity between nations, the removal of veto powers in the UN Security Council, and the prioritization of civil society over corporate interests.

The statement contends that global governance is dominated by corporate interests and a few powerful nations, marginalizing the Global South and failing to solve crises like climate change. It criticizes the upcoming Summit of the Future as a likely exercise in maintaining the neoliberal status quo. The authors advocate for a democratic global government that abolishes the UN Security Council veto, restructures the IMF and World Bank, reforms trade and intellectual property regimes to support the Global South, and establishes accountable data and AI governance.

Mr Nelson Muffuh discusses the upcoming UN Summit of the Future, emphasizing the need to 'turbocharge efforts to bring about sustainable development and combat climate change'. He argues that the current international financial architecture and the UN Security Council are failing, particularly in their response to crises in Africa. Muffuh highlights Africa's potential in renewable energy—specifically solar power in the Sahara and geothermal energy in the Rift Valley—and calls for permanent African representation with veto power on the Security Council. He positions the Summit as a catalyst for the 'Pact for the Future', which aims to advance a New Agenda for Peace, a Declaration on Future Generations, and a Global Digital Compact.

The document argues that while the WTO has historically neglected the environment, there is a current paradigm shift toward recognizing trade's role in addressing climate change and biodiversity loss. It assesses the outcomes of the Thirteenth Ministerial Conference (MC13), highlighting failures in fisheries subsidies and the absence of explicit climate commitments in the Ministerial Declaration, while noting progress in plurilateral initiatives like the Dialogue on Plastic Pollution. Experts propose reforming subsidy rules for fossil fuels and agriculture, leveraging 'Aid for Trade' for just transitions, and adopting the legal principle of 'Common Concern of Humankind' to guide trade law. The report emphasizes the need for regulatory alignment on circular economy principles and the ability of the WTO to coordinate trade-related climate measures, such as Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanisms, to avoid global trade fragmentation.

South Africa's foreign policy is centered on 'active non-alignment' and the 'universality' posture, aiming to mediate global conflicts and promote the interests of the Global South. A primary focus is the African continent, specifically through the implementation of the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) and the pursuit of Agenda 2063. The government seeks to enhance economic diplomacy by supporting South African investments in Africa and developing regional value chains for critical minerals like lithium. Additionally, South Africa maintains a commitment to human rights and self-determination, evidenced by its legal actions at the International Court of Justice regarding Palestine and its support for Western Sahara. On a multilateral level, the country advocates for the reform of the UN Security Council and leverages its membership in BRICS and the G20 to amplify African influence.

The document analyzes the challenges facing humanitarian disarmament in a contemporary environment characterized by rising global antagonism, a redistribution of power toward the Global South, and the decline of democratic space for civil society. It argues that the success of past treaties, such as the Mine Ban Convention, is threatened by competing global priorities like climate change and the erosion of trust between major powers. The authors highlight the difficulty of building cross-regional coalitions and the risks faced by civil society organizations (CSOs) due to government restrictions and stigmatization. To remain effective, the brief suggests that disarmament efforts must become more inclusive, diversify funding sources, and shift communication strategies toward the self-interest of states rather than relying solely on moral arguments.

The report evaluates the African Union Peace and Security Council (PSC) as it marks 20 years of operation, critiquing its tendency toward ceremonialism over deep expert reflection. It analyzes UN Resolution 2719, which allows AU-led peace support operations to access UN-assessed contributions, specifically discussing its potential application in Somalia, the DRC, and Sudan. Additionally, it urges stronger continental coordination for the UN's Pact for the Future and argues that the AU should leverage its diplomatic position to mediate the Israel-Hamas conflict to protect Africa's economic stability and global influence.

The report highlights a divide between emerging middle powers (IBSA) and Germany regarding the war in Ukraine, the dominance of the US dollar, and the role of BRICS+. While IBSA respondents prefer mediation in conflicts and view the US dollar's dominance unfavourably, German respondents support Ukraine and view the dollar's role as favourable. Despite these differences, there is shared optimism for the G20 and a common interest in the 2030 Agenda, specifically regarding technology transfer and global public investment.

The document argues that UN peace operations are in a 'period of retrenchment' due to a crisis of confidence and a failure to adapt to evolving conflict landscapes. It identifies systemic issues such as 'Christmas Tree mandates'—overly ambitious and multi-dimensional tasks—and a reliance on 'templated and bureaucratic approaches' to deployment. The authors advocate for a shift toward tailored, adaptive, and people-centered mission models. Key recommendations include prioritizing strategic objectives over individual tasks, improving coordination between peace operations and UN country teams, and leveraging partnerships with regional organizations like the African Union. The brief also emphasizes the need for proactive transition planning to avoid the 'peacebuilding financing cliff' and calls for more predictable, flexible resourcing to replace current arbitrary budget cuts and liquidity shortfalls.

A coalition of 114 organizations urges the Biden Administration to make an ambitious financial pledge to the Green Climate Fund's second replenishment.

The document outlines a synthesis of key scientific reports published between 2022 and 2023 to provide actionable guidance for the 2030 Agenda. It argues that current progress on the SDGs is languishing, with only about 10% of goals seeing significant progress, and calls for a course correction based on systemic, integrated, and science-based decision-making. The brief organizes its recommendations into ten thematic areas, emphasizing the need to move beyond GDP as a measure of prosperity, realign global financial systems to support low- and middle-income countries, and strengthen multilateral accountability.

The document analyzes the 'structural disjuncture' between the European Union's bilateral approach to international relations and the BRICS bloc's pursuit of an inclusive, South-South multilateral model. It argues that BRICS challenges the EU's historical hegemony in global governance, economic power, and trade policies. While the Russia-Ukraine war has further polarized the EU and BRICS, the author suggests opportunities for cooperation on the African Continental Free Trade Agreement (AfCFTA) and the energy transition.

The report details two Steering Committee meetings held in Uruguay and the United States to define the vision, mission, and goals of the IAI Center for Science Diplomacy (SDC). Key recommendations include strengthening the science-policy interface in Latin America and the Caribbean, focusing on climate action priorities such as food security and ocean management, and developing a knowledge center for science diplomacy. The SDC aims to leverage the IAI's existing STeP fellowship program and collaborate with the American Association for the Advancement of Science (AAAS) for fundraising and capacity building.

The IAI Science Diplomacy Center (SDC) Advisory Board met in March 2023 to refine the Center's strategic framework and identify flagship activities. The SDC aims to enhance the capacity of IAI member states to address global change through a science diplomacy knowledge hub, regional training for policymakers, and improved science-policy communication. Proposed priority actions include landscape analyses of scientific information flow in government and the development of training courses on negotiation and science diplomacy. The SDC intends to co-design its three-year working plan with member states, utilizing engagement at CoP 31 to ensure initiatives meet regional needs.

The Scientific Diplomacy Center (SDC) of the Inter-American Institute for Global Change Research (IAI) is establishing a framework to strengthen the science-policy interface across the Americas. The center aims to provide member states with scientific evidence to address global change challenges, including food security, water resources, and disaster risk management. Key proposed initiatives include developing a scientific diplomacy knowledge hub, creating training courses for policymakers and negotiators, and conducting outreach to analyze how scientific information is translated into policy. The SDC plans to co-design its three-year priority activities with IAI member states, with a specific engagement plan for COP 31 to ensure these initiatives meet regional needs.