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The document examines the role of the International Emissions Trading Association (IETA) as a business lobby group within UN climate talks. It details IETA's efforts to scale up carbon trading and the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) despite evidence of market failure and environmental inefficiency. The report also highlights the 'revolving door' between government officials and IETA leadership and the group's ability to maintain a massive presence at COP conferences to influence policy in favor of private sector interests.

The report analyzes the results of COP 17, highlighting a trade-off between inclusivity and ambition. Key outcomes include the operationalization of the Green Climate Fund, the agreement on a second commitment period for the Kyoto Protocol, and the creation of the Durban Platform for Cooperative Action to establish a global mitigation regime by 2020. While it marks a turning point by including major emitters like the US, China, and India in future legal obligations, the report notes significant gaps in funding clarity and short-term mitigation ambition.

A coalition of 109 civil society organisations calls for a second commitment period of the Kyoto Protocol and the closure of carbon market loopholes. The letter demands that market-based mechanisms be tied to binding targets and proposes specific reforms to the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM), including human rights safeguards, a robust appeals procedure, and the exclusion of non-additional projects and Carbon Capture and Storage (CCS).

South Africa hosted COP 17 in 2011 with the goal of establishing legal guidelines for carbon emission reductions and advancing a post-2012 global climate regime. The document highlights the tension between developed and developing nations regarding binding targets, specifically the stalemate over the Kyoto Protocol. South Africa aims to act as a bridge-builder, championing African agency and adaptation needs while coordinating with the BASIC alliance. Domestically, the document notes that South Africa must finalize policies on carbon taxes and renewable energy tariffs to lead by example, as it is the world's 13th highest greenhouse-gas emitter.

The document asserts that coal projects in the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) are non-additional, conflict with sustainability goals by harming local ecosystems, and lock in long-term CO2 emissions. It further claims that flawed CDM rules lead to significant over-crediting of these projects, which are often used merely as an additional revenue stream for planned investments.

The document examines the governance of climate finance in developing countries, highlighting systemic failures in accountability, stakeholder representation, and benefit sharing. It argues that climate finance is often driven by donor priorities rather than local needs, leading to conflicts of interest and the marginalization of indigenous and local communities.

The 2011/12 budget for South Africa's Department of Agriculture, Forestry and Fisheries (DAFF) is 4.719 billion rand, with a primary focus on poverty alleviation and job creation. The department aims to create 130,000 jobs in agriculture, forestry, and fisheries by 2014 and establish 50,000 commercially-oriented smallholder farmers. Key initiatives include the 'Zero Hunger Plan' for smallholder market access and the transformation of 12 agricultural colleges into National Agricultural Training Institutes. The budget allocates specific funds for flood relief (over 200 million rand over three years), forestry sustainability (300 million rand), and the sustainable management of forestry resources (550 million rand). In fisheries, the government has designated 9% of the coastline as prohibited zones and 3% of the offshore zone as no-fishing areas to protect marine ecosystems. The document also highlights South Africa's role as the host for COP 17 and its strategic alignment with BRICS to improve export access.

The report evaluates the EU ETS, concluding that emissions trading is an effective tool for reducing CO2 emissions with modest macroeconomic impacts. It highlights the risks of free allowance allocation, such as windfall profits and reduced economic efficiency, and recommends a transition toward auctioning. The document also identifies that international competitiveness risks are concentrated in a few carbon-intensive sectors and suggests tailored solutions like benchmarked free allocation or multilateral border adjustments to prevent carbon leakage.

The statement outlines requirements for a fair appeals process for CDM Executive Board decisions, emphasizing the need for an independent appeals body, broad legal standing for civil society organizations, and the ability to challenge both procedural and substantive violations.

The statement by SAIIA Chairperson Fred Phaswana discusses the role of media and military neutrality in North African uprisings and the importance of legitimate elections in Africa. It highlights South Africa's challenge in balancing energy security with climate commitments ahead of COP17 and evaluates the country's role in the UN Security Council and BRICS to ensure international engagement delivers domestic benefits.

The Cancun Climate Summit is characterized as a moderate success that restored faith in the multilateral process following the Copenhagen summit. Key outcomes included the first official UN agreement to keep global temperature increases below 2°C, the recognition of voluntary emission reduction plans for 2020, and the establishment of financial mechanisms for developing countries, including a 30 billion dollar transfer for 2010-2012 and the creation of the Green Climate Fund. While the summit made progress on measurement, reporting, and verification (MRV) and forest protection (REDD+), it left the decision on a second Kyoto Protocol period to the 2011 Durban summit. The authors attribute the success to the leadership of the Mexican government and the UNFCCC Executive Secretary.

The paper analyzes international climate finance, distinguishing between mitigation and adaptation transfers. It argues that while mitigation transfers are generally Pareto-improving due to global public good benefits and cost-effectiveness, adaptation transfers primarily provide local benefits and thus lack direct allocative efficiency for donors. However, the author posits that adaptation funding can serve as a strategic tool for 'confidence-building' by addressing historical unfairness (the polluter-pays principle), which may increase the willingness of developing countries to participate in global mitigation agreements. The document evaluates the Global Environmental Facility (GEF), the Least Developed Countries Fund (LDCF), the Special Climate Change Fund (SCCF), and the Adaptation Fund (AF), concluding that the AF's governance structure is most effective for raising trust among developing nations.

The document critiques carbon markets, specifically the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) and the EU Emissions Trading System (ETS), as tools that perpetuate dependence on fossil fuels and facilitate 'carbon colonialism'. It highlights how offsetting allows rich nations to outsource their climate responsibilities to developing countries, often resulting in human rights violations, land grabbing, and the funding of projects like coal plants or gas flaring. The author advocates for a systemic transformation based on energy efficiency, renewable energy, and public climate finance instead of market-based mechanisms.

The report examines the tension between national sovereignty and supranationalism in African decision-making, highlighting the role of the African Union (AU) and Regional Economic Communities (RECs). It analyzes the complexities of forming 'African Common Positions', using the 2009 Copenhagen climate negotiations as a case study, and critiques the EU's approach to partnership, specifically regarding Economic Partnership Agreements (EPAs). The document also explores security architectures in the Horn of Africa and Southern Africa, noting the influence of external actors and the challenges of multi-membership in regional bodies.

South Africa's climate policy is shaped by a conflict between its role as an international 'bridge-builder' and domestic structural barriers. While the government pursues a leadership role in multilateral forums and the BASIC group, domestic progress is hindered by a 'minerals-energy complex' dominated by coal-reliant entities like Eskom and Sasol, alongside urgent priorities to expand energy access and employment. The document highlights the diplomatic challenge of balancing relations with major emerging economies and other African nations while managing internal political and industrial pressures.

The report analyzes the BASIC group's role in global climate diplomacy, arguing that while they appear as a unified bloc, their cooperation is conditioned by diverse domestic priorities and broader geopolitical ambitions. It examines the specific drivers for Brazil, South Africa, India, and China, and explores how the group balances its identity as developing nations with its rising global influence.

An open letter from civil society organizations to the COP 16 Presidency calling for the suspension of carbon credits for HFC-23 projects due to methodology flaws that lead to over-issuance. The authors urge the UNFCCC to rescind credits issued since November 26, 2010, and suggest transitioning HFC-23 management to the Montreal Protocol to ensure real emission reductions.

A coalition of NGOs argues that HFC-23 projects, which account for half of all CDM carbon credits, are based on a flawed methodology leading to the over-issuance of credits that do not represent real emission reductions. The letter criticizes the CDM Executive Board for resuming credit issuance despite these findings and calls for the rescission of credits issued since 26 November 2010, a total halt on further issuance until methodology is corrected, and the adoption of HFC phase-down measures under the Montreal Protocol.

The document argues that Africa is disproportionately vulnerable to climate change despite being among the lightest polluters. It highlights critical threats to water and food security, the potential for climate change to act as a 'threat multiplier' for conflict, and the urgent need for improved climate information and financial compensation from developed nations for adaptation.

The paper examines the carbon trading landscape, focusing on the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) and the potential for South Africa to establish a local carbon market. It highlights that while South Africa is the only African country among the top 20 CDM host countries, it remains underrepresented in carbon credit generation due to financing and technical hurdles. The authors argue that a shift from coal dependence to renewable energy is necessary to meet domestic and international targets, and that policy certainty is required to attract further investment.