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Carbon Market Watch argues that the EU ETS has failed to significantly reduce industrial emissions since 2012 due to free pollution permits and exemptions. To achieve climate neutrality by 2040, the briefing recommends increasing the Linear Reduction Factor (LRF), strengthening the Market Stability Reserve (MSR), ending free allowance allocations for industry and aviation, and earmarking 100% of auctioning revenues for climate action and innovation.

The report demonstrates that the U.S. can achieve 80% clean electricity by 2030 without increasing wholesale electricity costs or compromising grid dependability. This transition would require 950 GW of new wind and solar capacity and 227 GW of battery storage, necessitating $1.5 trillion in clean energy capital investments. The '80% Clean' scenario avoids $1.7 trillion in health and environmental damages and 93,000 premature deaths through 2050 compared to a 'No New Policy' case. The analysis concludes that such a target is feasible and critical for enabling broader economy-wide decarbonization of transportation, buildings, and industry to align with a 1.5°C warming limit.

The report analyzes perspectives from 48 Canadian civil society organizations on the just transition. It finds a broad consensus on the need for employment security, 'good jobs', and equity for marginalized groups, particularly Indigenous Peoples. The document argues that while Canada has a high capacity for transition, there are significant political gaps, including a lack of institutionalized tripartite processes and the influence of corporate interests. It recommends the implementation of a Just Transition Act, the end of fossil fuel subsidies, and increased support for municipal and Indigenous-led projects. Civil society is positioned as a vital complement to official processes through research, capacity building, and public awareness campaigns.

The report explores four international business models—municipal ownership in Germany, state-owned enterprise (SOE) transition in Denmark, public-private partnerships (PPPs) in Morocco, and cooperatives in the United Kingdom—to identify pathways for increasing renewable energy deployment in South Africa. It argues that while the current private-sector-led model (REIPPPP) has increased capacity, it is insufficient to meet the 1.5°C Paris Agreement target or offset the decommissioning of 24,100 MW of coal plants. The authors suggest that a combination of centralized and decentralized public ownership models can address political opposition from trade unions and parties while scaling up green energy. Key recommendations include reforming Eskom into a 'green utility,' conducting a policy gap analysis, and investigating the financial feasibility of non-private ownership models.

The document argues that South Africa's energy distribution system actively exacerbates poverty and inequality by failing to deliver on the affordable access promises of the 1998 White Paper on Energy. It identifies a critical conflict of interest where municipalities prioritize financial viability and revenue collection over the provision of Free Basic Electricity (FBE), leading to millions of funded households being denied benefits. The author contends that a 'just transition' to clean energy must include a 'just distribution' to prevent the entrenchment of a two-tier energy system.

The report examines the proposed green hydrogen development in Boegoebaai, Northern Cape, focusing on the readiness of the Namakwa District Municipality (DM) and Richtersveld Local Municipality (LM). It finds that both municipalities lack the financial and technical capacity to support the anticipated population influx and infrastructure needs. The study highlights a 'top-down' planning approach by national and provincial governments that excludes local authorities and communities, leading to mistrust and procedural injustices. It concludes that without significant intergovernmental support and genuine public participation, the transition risks being unjust and disruptive to rural livelihoods.

The document estimates that providing comprehensive supports—including wage replacement, education, and relocation allowances—for dislocated coal workers in the U.S. would cost between $33 billion over 25 years and $83 billion over 15 years. It details the methodology used to calculate the number of affected workers, utilizing 2019 data to identify 52,804 coal miners and an estimated 37,071 power plant workers. The analysis assumes a total coal phaseout between 2030 and 2040, focusing on 'dislocated' workers who will not reach retirement age by the end of the transition.

The document argues that the US shift away from coal has occurred without adequate planning, leaving workers and communities to face economic upheaval. It proposes a support package including wage replacement, educational benefits, and community infrastructure investments, estimating the cost between $33 billion and $83 billion. The brief identifies 462 'coal counties' and highlights the need for environmental remediation of mine and plant legacies to enable future economic diversification.

The document outlines eight benefits of building electrification in the United States, asserting it is the only established way to eliminate carbon pollution from residential and commercial heating and cooking. It highlights that all-electric homes are cheaper to build than mixed-fuel homes, improve indoor air quality—particularly for children and marginalized communities—and can create millions of jobs. The text dismisses alternatives like renewable natural gas (RNG), hydrogen, and synthetic methane as too costly or limited in scale, while noting that nearly 60 percent of new US homes are already built all-electric.

The text advocates for a new transatlantic narrative that integrates civil society 'transformers'—including climate activists, women's movements, and marginalized groups—into political discourse. It emphasizes that democratic resilience requires diverse representation in institutions and the prioritization of social justice and the climate crisis over old security-centric models.

The author contends that the Biden-Harris administration provides an opportunity to reboot transatlantic relations by integrating diverse civil society movements—such as those focused on climate, racial justice, and gender equality—into the political discourse. The text argues that the previous focus on a common security policy is obsolete and should be replaced by a narrative of democratic resilience and inclusivity. It highlights the role of grassroots networks and regional initiatives, such as the 'We Are Still In' and 'Under2Coalition' alliances, as models for strengthening solidarity. The document concludes that achieving a 'build back better' transatlantic relationship requires structural and financial support for civil society and the implementation of joint regulations on hate speech and disinformation.

The Green Economy Coalition introduces the Triple B Framework to address capital misallocation and sluggish growth in the green transition. The framework identifies 'bottlenecks' (structural, processual, and cognitive barriers) and 'blind spots' (behavioral biases resulting from homogeneity in the finance industry) that hinder investment. It redefines 'blended finance' to include non-financial capital—such as social, political, and cultural capital—arguing that these are often more critical than financial capital in emerging markets. The report suggests that supporting 'ecosystem builders' and sequencing non-financial capital before financial injections can de-risk investments and better serve developing countries.

The document advises journalists to treat COP26 with urgency, framing coverage around the 1.5 C temperature goal, climate justice, and the political barriers to solutions. It emphasizes the need for advance coverage and the localization of global climate impacts to make the summit relevant to diverse audiences.

The CLEAN Future Act of 2021 proposes a national goal of a 100% clean economy by 2050, with an interim target of reducing greenhouse gas emissions by at least 50% by 2030 from 2005 levels. The legislation emphasizes 'climate federalism' by requiring states to develop emissions-reduction plans, and it integrates environmental justice through grants and increased air quality monitoring in burdened communities. Key sector-specific proposals include a Clean Electricity Standard requiring 100% zero-emissions power by 2035, over $100 billion for transportation electrification, and significant investments in building energy efficiency and industrial decarbonization. However, the document notes the bill lacks a national emissions cap for non-electricity sources and a mandate to phase out the sale of polluting vehicles.

The World Resources Institute notes that China's 14th Five-Year Plan confirms pledges to peak CO2 emissions before 2030 and achieve carbon neutrality before 2060, while setting specific 2025 targets for carbon intensity and non-fossil energy consumption. However, the statement argues that the plan lacks critical details on how these goals will be achieved and suggests that additional actions beyond the plan are necessary to reach net zero by 2060.

Zimbabwe has significant potential to lead the e-mobility transition in the SADC region, leveraging its automotive history and the need to reduce a fuel import bill that costs US$1.2 billion annually. The transition could address a fragmented public transport system dominated by 'kombis' and 'pirate taxis' through the introduction of small city EVs and electric mass transit. Strategic electrification of fleets in mining, logistics, and agriculture, combined with the country's nickel production for batteries and progressive net metering policies, offers a pathway toward a green and circular economy.

The author traces the trajectory of Polish green politics, noting an initial wave of activism in the 1980s that faded during the post-1989 transition due to economic hardship and a pro-modernization discourse. After a period of political marginalization and the formation of the Green party (Zieloni) in 2004, green issues gained traction as a field of political contestation under the Law and Justice (PiS) government. By 2019, green politics achieved a breakthrough, with the Greens entering parliament as part of a coalition with Civic Platform (PO), though this raises concerns about potential ideological assimilation and greenwashing.

The briefing discusses the application of securitization in US states to mitigate the financial and social risks of coal plant retirements. By replacing high-cost utility capital with low-interest bonds, states like Wisconsin, Michigan, and New Mexico have reduced ratepayer costs and provided funding for clean energy and community transition. The document highlights Colorado's legislation as a model for integrating consumer protections, worker assistance, and renewable energy reinvestment.

The project in Myanmar’s Upper Chindwin Basin aims to protect Key Biodiversity Areas (KBAs) and support sustainable livelihoods. It addresses threats such as commercial mining, logging, and overfishing through the development of Community Action Plans (CAP) and the implementation of sustainable land and water management practices.

The research paper evaluates the impact of a 1.5°C-compatible policy scenario for Nevada, projecting that deep decarbonization across electricity, transportation, and buildings could add $700 million to the state economy and create 4,500 jobs by 2030. It contrasts a 'Business-As-Usual' outlook, where emissions are expected to increase by 12% by 2050, with a strategic policy package including a 100% clean electricity standard by 2035 and a transition to all-electric vehicle and building equipment sales. The analysis also highlights significant public health benefits, estimating the prevention of over 120 deaths annually by 2030.