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The document reviews the African Union's (AU) 2017 Year of Youth, highlighting the gap between the adoption of high-level frameworks like the African Youth Charter and their actual domestication by member states. While it identifies successes in youth-led political activism in Nigeria, The Gambia, and South Africa, and praises Rwanda's technology-driven youth employment models, it criticizes the AU's lack of monitoring and evaluation (M&E) and the tokenistic nature of some youth participation. The authors advocate for using existing tools like the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM) to track progress and prioritize education, employment, and political inclusion to realize the goals of Agenda 2063.

The document examines sanitation governance in Rwanda and Uganda, arguing that top-down policies often fail because they ignore the socio-cultural drivers of household behaviour and lack adequate national funding. It highlights a significant 'implementation gap' where international targets drive policy, but households—who provide approximately 60% of sector investment—face cultural and emotional barriers to adoption. The brief advocates for 'backward mapping' to include ground-level stakeholders in design and a deeper understanding of behavioural drivers to ensure sustainability.

The document argues that Guinea-Bissau requires comprehensive institutional reforms to prevent political blockages and ensure stability. Key recommendations include revising the Constitution to clarify the powers of the President and Prime Minister, strengthening the National Electoral Commission, updating the 1991 Framework Law on Political Parties to increase transparency and gender representation, restarting the Justice Reform Programme (2015–2019), and relaunching dialogue on defence and security sector reform (DSSR).

On 19 April 2018, the South African Institute of International Affairs (SAIIA) and the Institute for Public Policy Research (IPPR) conducted a workshop for over 50 Namibian MPs and staff. The event focused on integrating parliament into the APRM process, sharing lessons from other African nations, and aligning the mechanism with Namibia's national development plans. Discussions highlighted the importance of parliamentary oversight in implementing National Programmes of Action (NPoA) and the need for a formal parliamentary strategy and committee to manage APRM engagement.

The GCF Non-financial Risk Policy defines a framework to manage operational, staffing, IT, disaster, and reputation risks. It implements a three-level responsibility model: First Level (risk owners), Second Level (independent control functions, primarily the ORMC), and Third Level (assurance via the Office of the Internal Auditor). The policy mandates quarterly risk dashboard reporting to senior management and the Board, annual risk control self-assessments for high-priority processes, and a business continuity management approach led by the Office of the Executive Director during disruptions.

The report evaluates the APRM, OGP, and EITI, finding that while the OGP and EITI successfully employ peer learning and pressure to enforce standards and protect civil society, the APRM lags behind due to a lack of critical engagement and a failure to implement sanctions for non-compliance.

The report evaluates the impact of the APRM, EITI, and OGP, concluding that while these initiatives provide platforms for dialogue and some policy changes, there is little measurable evidence that they consistently drive significant governance reforms. It highlights the challenges of voluntary compliance, the risk of 'open-washing' by governments, and the critical but often tokenistic role of civil society. The document recommends that donors support civil society capacity, invest in impact research, and align funding with MSI action plans to better foster accountability and transparency.

The report examines the 2018 African Union Peace and Security Council elections, noting a shift toward regional consensus and a decline in the average governance and democracy scores of member states. It details institutional reform struggles led by President Paul Kagame, specifically the contested transformation of Nepad into a development agency. Additionally, it analyzes the need for sanctions in South Sudan, the political deadlock in Togo, and the challenges of state absence in the Central African Republic.

Carbon Market Watch criticizes the lack of transparency and the voluntary nature of offset criteria in ICAO's CORSIA scheme, warning that these flaws, combined with a reliance on low-quality CDM credits, could render the program's climate contribution null.

The document examines the pervasive impact of corruption on African youth, who are identified as both primary victims and increasingly as perpetrators. It highlights how corruption fuels instability, conflict, and migration, while arguing that current youth engagement in anti-corruption efforts is superficial. The brief recommends structural changes, including amending the AU Advisory Board on Corruption's membership and implementing access to information laws, to ensure youth are active partners in designing and driving anti-corruption initiatives.

The workshop, organised by SAIIA and IPPR, provided training to over 50 civil society members on the APRM's structure and the importance of early engagement. Key recommendations included the formation of a civil society working group and the development of a detailed written submission to influence the national review. Participants identified critical national issues for the submission, including land ownership, urban housing, the informal economy, education, and youth unemployment. The report also highlighted lessons from other African nations, noting that while the APRM can drive policy changes, such as women's rights in Lesotho, its impact is often limited by poor implementation of National Programmes of Action.

The SEforALL Administrative Board bylaws define the board's governance structure, requiring a membership of five to thirteen individuals, including the CEO. The board is responsible for managing operations, appointing the CEO and an Auditor, and approving the annual Business Plan and budget. The rules mandate diversity in membership across geography, culture, and gender, and establish protocols for conflict of interest and meeting conduct, all while operating under the legal framework of Austrian law.

The report assesses the evidence on whether investment treaties attract foreign direct investment (FDI), facilitate domestic reforms, or limit government policy space. It finds that while treaties may modestly increase FDI, particularly in high-sunk-cost sectors like mining, they often benefit foreign investors at the expense of host states through distributive effects and potential regulatory chill. The evidence on other claimed benefits, such as 'levelling the playing field' or depoliticizing disputes, is found to be limited or contradictory.

The report identifies a gap between Namibia's strong economic growth and its poor human development indicators, particularly in sanitation, electricity access, and nutrition. Using the International Futures (IFs) system, it models various policy interventions to determine their impact on GDP, extreme poverty, and infant mortality. Key findings suggest that while individual sectoral pushes like 'Health Extension' or 'Infrastructure Push' provide specific gains, an 'Integrated Development Push' combined with household transfers offers the most comprehensive path to reducing poverty and inequality, though it involves trade-offs in funding and specific health outcomes.

German Chancellor Angela Merkel sought to establish a 'Compact with Africa' during her 2017 G20 presidency to foster genuine partnerships based on agreed goals and performance standards. The initiative aims to create stable investment environments for infrastructure development while addressing mutual responsibilities in migration, corruption, and counter-terrorism. Key priorities for the compact's success include funding the Green Climate Fund to help African nations adapt to global warming, curbing illicit financial flows—estimated by the AU/UN to exceed $50 billion annually—and utilizing the African Peer Review Mechanism for governance monitoring. The document notes that US reluctance toward multilateralism under Donald Trump complicates these efforts, particularly regarding famine relief and climate finance.

The report assesses Mozambique's development outlook to 2040, arguing that while natural gas production will drive significant GDP growth from the mid-2020s, it will not automatically reduce absolute poverty without concerted investments in human capital and governance. Using scenario analysis, the authors demonstrate that integrated pushes in family planning, health, education, agriculture, and governance can significantly reduce extreme poverty and infant mortality, whereas stalled development and delayed gas production could lead to a sharp increase in the number of people living in extreme poverty.

The report examines Mozambique's development prospects through 2040, arguing that while natural gas reserves offer significant economic potential, they are not a 'panacea' for poverty reduction. Using the International Futures (IF) model, the authors analyze a 'Current Trajectory' and several alternative scenarios. They find that without concerted investment in human capital—specifically health, education, and agriculture—and improvements in governance, the absolute number of people in extreme poverty is projected to remain nearly stagnant at approximately 19 million by 2040, despite GDP growth. The report advocates for an 'Integrated Development Boost' across multiple sectors to achieve inclusive growth, while warning that a 'Stagnated Development' scenario involving governance decline and gas production delays could lead to a 61% increase in extreme poverty.

The research examines 143 African ethnic groups to determine if customary institutions influence communal violence. It finds that groups with more formalized customary institutions—such as courts, legislatures, and chiefs—are significantly less likely to be involved in both inter-communal and intra-communal conflicts. The authors argue these institutions facilitate credible bargaining and mediation. In contrast, the study finds only weak and non-robust evidence that the inclusiveness or 'democratic' nature of these institutions reduces conflict.

The report argues that the Agreement for the Resolution of the Conflict in South Sudan (ARCISS) is failing due to a lack of government political will, leading to increased ethnic violence and insecurity. It critiques the uncoordinated efforts of international and African mediators, which have allowed the South Sudanese government to manipulate external actors. The authors suggest that the AU can improve peace prospects by insisting on a ceasefire as a precondition for the national dialogue, ensuring the dialogue is neutral and inclusive, and coordinating a unified strategic approach between Northern and Southern external partners.

The document assesses Africa's infrastructure gaps in electricity, water, sanitation, and transport, noting that while funding from public, private, and donor sources has increased, systemic governance failures hinder progress. It highlights that inefficiencies in project preparation, a lack of maintenance, and corruption result in significant value loss. The author argues for a shift in focus toward governance interventions, including better regulatory environments, enhanced domestic resource mobilisation, and the adoption of innovative, localised technologies to ensure sustainable development and regional integration.