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Global Witness reports that heavy rare earth mining has exploded in Myanmar's Kachin Special Region 1, driven by China's need to offshore its polluting mining industry. The process, primarily in-situ leaching, causes severe environmental degradation, including water poisoning and deforestation, while funding militias affiliated with Myanmar's military regime. These minerals, specifically dysprosium and terbium, are critical for permanent magnets used in electric vehicles and wind turbines, linking global green energy goals to human rights abuses and ecological collapse in Myanmar.

Global Witness reports that illegal heavy rare earth mining in Myanmar's Kachin Special Region 1 is surging to meet global demand for electric vehicles and wind turbines. The process, driven by Chinese investment and controlled by militias linked to the Myanmar military, causes severe environmental damage, including water poisoning and deforestation. These minerals are primarily exported to Chinese state-owned enterprises, which then supply global manufacturers of permanent magnets.

A Global Witness investigation reveals that Myanmar has become a critical source of heavy rare earth elements (HREE) for global EV and wind turbine magnets, with exports to China surging from 19,500 tonnes in 2021 to 41,700 tonnes in 2023. The report documents catastrophic environmental damage in Kachin State, including the use of toxic chemicals like ammonium sulfate and oxalic acid via 'in-situ leaching,' which has contaminated rivers and caused severe health issues for miners. The mining activity is largely illegal and controlled by militias aligned with the Myanmar military or the Kachin Independence Organisation (KIO), potentially funding conflict. The supply chain links these minerals to Chinese state-owned enterprises and subsequently to global brands such as Tesla, Volkswagen, and Siemens Gamesa, though the report notes a lack of definitive evidence for every specific product.

Global Witness reports that while the US and UK have banned Russian-origin nickel, the EU has not, creating a loophole where Russian nickel is refined in Finland and then legally exported to the US. The report highlights the environmental degradation and human rights abuses linked to Norilsk Nickel's operations in the Arctic, the company's ties to the Russian military-industrial complex, and the challenges of conducting corporate due diligence in a repressive political environment. It recommends that the EU implement targeted sanctions on Russian nickel, maintain strict thresholds for the Corporate Sustainability Due Diligence Directive (CSDDD), and prioritize circular economy strategies to reduce dependency on Russian minerals.

Global Witness reports that the 'rush for lithium' in Africa is failing to deliver a just energy transition, instead risking the entrenchment of corruption and ESG failures. In Zimbabwe, the Sandawana mine is linked to sanctioned elites and ZANU-PF allies, with reports of child labour and the illegal export of unprocessed ore. In Namibia, Xinfeng Investments is accused of using bribery to acquire licenses and operating an industrial-scale mine under small-scale permits to avoid environmental assessments. In the Democratic Republic of Congo, the Manono project has been stalled by ownership disputes and allegations that shell companies linked to former President Joseph Kabila's associates profited by millions while the state treasury received negligible funds.

Global Witness reports a surge in unregulated heavy rare earth element (HREE) mining in Myanmar's Kachin State, with exports to China rising from 19,500 tonnes in 2021 to 41,700 tonnes in 2023. The report details devastating environmental damage caused by in-situ leaching, including poisoned watercourses and severe health issues for workers. These minerals are vital for permanent magnets used in EVs and wind turbines, linking global brands like Tesla and Volkswagen to a supply chain dominated by Chinese state-owned firms and Myanmar-based militias. The report argues that the trade finances conflict and calls for strict supply chain due diligence and import restrictions on Myanmar-sourced HREE.

The report argues that BP and Shell engage in greenwashing by promoting environmentally friendly narratives on social media that are not supported by their core business investments. It finds that both companies disproportionately showcase green projects while continuing massive investments in fossil fuels, potentially breaching the UK's Green Claims Code. Additionally, it highlights Shell's failure to declare political ads on Meta platforms and Meta's failure to detect and enforce its own transparency requirements.

The Atlantis Greentech Special Economic Zone (ASEZ) is a proposed hub in the Western Cape, South Africa, designed to cluster green technology industries. Building on a manufacturing hub established in 2011, the zone seeks formal SEZ status to provide investors with preferential corporate tax, employment tax incentives, and municipal subsidies. The site is positioned to leverage South Africa's Renewable Energy Independent Power Producer Programme (REIPPP) and provides proximity to Cape Town and Saldanha port.

The City of Cape Town (CCT) conducted a three-year pilot project (2020-2022) comparing five BMWi3 electric vehicles (EVs) with five VW Golf GTI internal combustion engine (ICE) vehicles. The study found that EVs are more affordable over a seven-year period when combining purchase price and operational costs, with the BMWi3 costing R768,950 compared to R1,415,281 for the ICE equivalent. The CCT identifies 477 hatchback vehicles in its fleet as potential candidates for electrification to reduce the 4,000 tonnes of CO2 emitted annually by that segment. The report emphasizes that EVs serve as a decarbonisation lever if charged with renewable energy and that future procurement must align vehicle range and charging infrastructure with operational requirements.

The document outlines a comprehensive set of circular economy interventions for the City of Cape Town, categorized by the principles of prioritizing regenerative resources, stretching product lifetimes, and using waste as a resource. Key initiatives include the Green Procurement Action Plan, the transition to electric vehicles, the development of repair hubs and equipment libraries, and the implementation of organic waste diversion targets.

The document argues that EVaaS—a bundled subscription model covering vehicles, charging infrastructure, and maintenance—can make electric vehicle (EV) adoption more attractive for South African fleet managers by removing high upfront capital costs. Using a theoretical case of 50 panel vans, it demonstrates that EVaaS is financially viable compared to internal combustion engine (ICE) vehicles if monthly subscriptions are priced at or below R16,000 per vehicle. It highlights a real-world application by Everlectric with Woolworths and DSV, noting significant operational cost reductions and CO2 savings, while identifying a lack of accurate residual value data from banks as a primary financial hurdle for EVaaS providers.

The report argues that South Africa can transition its mobility sector to zero-emission vehicles by leveraging the Atlantis Special Economic Zone (ASEZ) to attract EV assembly and component manufacturing. It highlights a strategic opportunity in public transport, noting a potential market of 350,000 minibus taxis and 65,000 buses. The document identifies high import taxes (at least 42% for EVs) as a barrier to uptake that local manufacturing at the ASEZ could overcome. It recommends targeting global OEMs like Tesla and BYD, as well as local startups like MellowVans and Green Riders, while emphasizing the need to localize the production of lithium-ion battery cells and semi-conductors to secure the value chain.

The authors argue that European transport policies are outdated because they assume a permanent increase in driving and flying. They suggest that the convergence of new technologies—such as autonomous vehicles, 3D printing, and shared mobility—offers a choice between a 'transport heaven' of reduced congestion and greenery, or a 'transport hell' of increased vehicle kilometers and pollution. The text advocates for a European-wide strategy that prioritizes 'mobility' (satisfying needs without necessarily changing location) over 'transport' (the physical movement of vehicles), citing the Netherlands' transition to cycling as a model for urban transformation.

The Latino Climate Justice Framework (LCJF) argues that systemic racism and economic inequity have placed Latino/a/x communities on the frontlines of the climate crisis, necessitating targeted policy solutions. It outlines a three-part strategy focusing on energy and economic justice, protecting vulnerable populations from climate disasters, and ensuring equitable representation and access to government services. Key priorities include transitioning to community-based renewable energy, protecting farmworkers from extreme heat, remediating abandoned oil wells, and addressing the unique vulnerabilities of Puerto Rico.

The report examines the role of South-South and Triangular Cooperation (SSTC) in fostering sustainable urban development and climate resilience in the Global South. It highlights the importance of the New Urban Agenda and the 2030 Agenda, arguing that traditional North-South cooperation is insufficient. Through various case studies from Africa, Asia, and Latin America, the document demonstrates how cities share knowledge on green transportation, water management, and urban planning. Key examples include Shenzhen's carbon trading, India's water resilience efforts, and Mexico City's green bonds. The report concludes that while cities are critical to the 'climate battle,' they often face institutional and financial barriers that SSTC can help overcome through peer-to-peer learning and innovative financing.

A comprehensive training resource featuring 17 case studies on science diplomacy in Latin America and the Caribbean, focusing on environmental governance, health, space cooperation, and sustainable resource management.

The document provides a comprehensive set of 17 case studies illustrating how science diplomacy—the intersection of foreign policy and scientific research—is used to manage transboundary resources, protect biodiversity, and regulate emerging technologies in the Americas. It defines science diplomacy through three lenses: science in diplomacy (technical input for policy), diplomacy for science (promoting national scientific communities), and science for diplomacy (using scientific cooperation to improve diplomatic ties). Key examples include the Eastern Tropical Pacific Marine Corridor (CMAR), the Amazonian Regional Platform of Indigenous Peoples (ARPIP), and the Guarani Aquifer Agreement. The text emphasizes the necessity of integrating indigenous knowledge, managing multi-stakeholder governance, and aligning national policies with the UN Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) to address climate change and environmental degradation.

South Africa's energy subsidies reached at least ZAR 198 billion (USD 10.8 billion) in FY 2025, with 55% consisting of direct fossil fuel subsidies. The report highlights that electricity subsidies, largely driven by bailouts for the state-owned utility Eskom, support a coal-dominated system where 83% of generation came from fossil fuels in 2024. Key inefficiencies identified include a carbon tax with an effective rate as low as ZAR 7/tCO2 in FY 2022 due to high exemptions, and a Free Basic Electricity (FBE) policy where an estimated 80% of funding is not reaching eligible households. The author recommends a stakeholder-led action plan to align subsidies with just transition frameworks, revise the carbon tax to reflect the social cost of carbon, and shift blanket liquid fuel subsidies toward targeted transport support for low-income households.

The report evaluates three mobility scenarios for Indonesia using the Sustainable Asset Valuation (SAVi) methodology. Scenario 1 focuses on public transport and non-motorized transport; Scenario 2 focuses on private vehicle electrification; and Scenario 3 combines both. While Scenario 2 offers the highest benefit-cost ratio (BCR) due to lower investment costs, Scenario 3 provides the greatest overall societal benefit, with cumulative discounted benefits of USD 450.1 billion by 2050 and a societal BCR of 4.93. The analysis emphasizes that decarbonizing the energy supply is essential for transport decarbonization and that integrating health and safety externalities into cost-benefit analyses reveals the true investment worthiness of sustainable transport.

The report identifies a resurgence of outright climate denial and the rise of 'culture war' narratives used to delay climate action. It highlights systemic greenwashing by fossil fuel entities on Meta and the algorithmic amplification of the #ClimateScam hashtag on Twitter. The analysis reveals that climate misinformation is increasingly integrated into broader 'anti-woke' and conspiratorial communities, with a small number of high-influence actors driving a significant portion of the engagement.