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The report argues that the abrupt closure of USAID in 2025 has had catastrophic short-term effects on funding-dependent newsrooms in Africa, leading to mass layoffs and a decline in investigative capacity. It highlights the role of Internews as a primary implementer of these projects and warns that the loss of funding increases the risk of 'media capture' by political actors, the 'juniorisation' of newsrooms as senior staff leave, and a shift toward commercial rather than public service reporting. The author concludes that the resulting vacuum in public accountability work may accelerate democratic backsliding in fragile states.

The report analyzes the role of Ukrainian grassroots initiatives, NGOs, and local self-governments (hromadas) in humanitarian response, arguing that while local actors are more agile and cost-efficient, they face systemic barriers in funding and decision-making. It identifies a critical lack of systematic evidence on the relative cost-effectiveness of locally-led versus internationally-led responses, though it notes that local NGOs in Ukraine deliver programs 15.5% more cost-efficiently due to lower overheads. The document recommends a shift toward equitable partnerships characterized by mutual financial transparency, shared leadership, and the provision of flexible, multi-year 'quality funding' to ensure the sustainability of local responders operating under high insecurity.

The report examines the state of democracy in Southern Africa, highlighting a gap between public support for democratic values and frustration with governance failures. Through youth consultations and a comparative analysis of West African civil society networks, it argues that cross-border solidarity among civil society organisations (CSOs) is essential to hold governments accountable and protect human rights. It identifies technology, socio-economic inequality, and youth exclusion as primary threats to democracy and recommends that Southern African CSOs leverage regional networks, such as the Southern African Council of Non-Governmental Organisations (Saf-CNGO), to increase their influence and coordinate responses to regional democratic backsliding.

Zimbabwe is characterized by a deep crisis of confidence and a trust deficit in its leadership and institutions. The ZANU-PF government prioritizes short-term survival and power retention over structural reforms, utilizing a system of patronage and 'lawfare' to neutralize political opposition and civil society organizations (CSOs). Economically, the country suffers from extreme poverty, hyperinflation, and a volatile currency environment, exemplified by the introduction of the gold-backed ZiG. While the government pursues a 'constructive re-engagement' agenda with international creditors and Western powers, the report suggests that these efforts may be deflection tactics rather than genuine commitments to democratic reform. State capacity is hampered by the conflation of party and state interests, and the opposition remains fragmented and ineffective.

The report analyzes 2024 Voluntary National Review (VNR) submissions, noting slow progress on SDGs due to the climate crisis, poverty, and inequality. It emphasizes the critical but uneven role of multi-stakeholder collaborations, civil society, youth, and academia in achieving these goals, while highlighting the specific struggles of conflict-affected nations like South Sudan and Yemen.

The World Association for Christian Communication highlights the 30th anniversary of the Beijing Platform for Action and supports a statement by the Global Alliance on Media and Gender (GAMAG) warning that gender equality progress is being reversed. The document calls for the protection of women-led civil society resources, the defense of media freedom for women journalists, and resistance against the erasure of gender equality language from public discourse.

The report identifies 140 organizations and institutions in the Central African Republic operating at the intersection of gender and climate change adaptation. It assesses their technical capacities, influence, and engagement levels, highlighting a systemic gap in 'nexus' expertise—the ability to integrate gender and climate adaptation systematically. While national civil society organizations possess high mobilization and influence capabilities, they lack specific technical expertise. Conversely, international agencies and government bodies have higher technical skills but limited political influence or resources. The report recommends strengthening the capacity of all stakeholders, establishing focal points across all ministries, and creating a multi-actor dialogue space involving high-level political decision-makers and technical and financial partners to implement the National Gender and Climate Change Strategy (SNGCC).

Mighty Earth asserts that its theory of change is designed to withstand U.S. political shifts, noting that its core work on international nature protection and protein sector transformation relies more on the private sector than the U.S. government. While acknowledging risks to civil society and potential federal cuts to clean energy support, the organization emphasizes that economic incentives for decarbonization remain strong and plans to launch a North American rewilding program focused on state governments.

The document analyzes the challenges facing humanitarian disarmament in a contemporary environment characterized by rising global antagonism, a redistribution of power toward the Global South, and the decline of democratic space for civil society. It argues that the success of past treaties, such as the Mine Ban Convention, is threatened by competing global priorities like climate change and the erosion of trust between major powers. The authors highlight the difficulty of building cross-regional coalitions and the risks faced by civil society organizations (CSOs) due to government restrictions and stigmatization. To remain effective, the brief suggests that disarmament efforts must become more inclusive, diversify funding sources, and shift communication strategies toward the self-interest of states rather than relying solely on moral arguments.

The document analyzes environmental mobilization in the Balkans, specifically focusing on the protection of the Vjosa River in Albania and the Jadar Valley in Serbia. It compares the grassroots, campaign-led approach in Albania, which led to the creation of a national park, with the mass protests and political integration seen in Serbia, which forced the withdrawal of mining permits. The text also highlights the European Union's inconsistent support, noting its strong backing for river conservation versus its more cautious approach to lithium mining due to the EU's energy transition needs.

The document details the role of Action for Climate Empowerment (ACE) at the SB60 conference in Bonn, highlighting an expert dialogue on children and climate change, the identification of implementation challenges, and the goal of scaling up the involvement of civil society and marginalised groups to inform the annual summary report for COP29.

The Coalition to Counter Online Antisemitism (CCOA), funded by Google.org and the TIDES Foundation through 2026, is a multi-stakeholder initiative designed to address the rise of online antisemitism in Europe. The project aims to bridge gaps between research, education, and policy by coordinating efforts across ten countries, including Germany, France, and the UK. The CCOA operates through three dedicated working groups focused on research, education, and policy to scale primary prevention and counter-speech efforts.

The document argues that the Loss and Damage Fund must be designed with transparency and inclusivity to be perceived as just by both donors and recipients. It emphasizes the need for flexible funding mechanisms, such as grants and programmatic approaches, to address underfunded areas like mental health services and ecosystem restoration. The brief highlights four critical trade-offs in the fund's setup: scope versus coordination, participatory versus delegated governance, inclusive versus rapid decision-making, and accessibility versus strict oversight. It recommends diversifying funding sources beyond public money to include philanthropic and private sectors, and suggests adopting multi-level governance structures to ensure funds reach the most marginalized local communities.

The document argues that the Loss and Damage Fund must be managed equitably and transparently to effectively support vulnerable countries. It recommends a participatory governance structure, flexible funding windows—including small grants for local NGOs—and a preference for grants over loans to avoid increasing debt. The brief highlights four central trade-offs: scope versus coordination, participatory versus decentralized governance, inclusive versus rapid decision-making, and accessibility versus rigorous control.

Friends of the Earth International and other civil society organizations condemn the Israeli government's October 2021 decision to classify six Palestinian human rights organizations as 'terrorist organizations' and 'unauthorized'. The statement argues that this move is part of a broader trend of criminalizing defenders of land, water, and human rights. It specifically highlights the Union of Agricultural Work Committees (UAWC) for its work in sustainable agriculture and seed preservation in the West Bank's 'Zone C'. The signatories call on the international community, including the UN Human Rights Council and European governments, to pressure Israel to reverse these designations and end the occupation of Palestinian lands.

The report criticizes the COP26 Presidency and UNFCCC Secretariat for restricting observer access to negotiating areas, which the author claims undermines the monitoring of key discussions on finance, loss and damage, and Article 6, and risks the adoption of 'false solutions' due to the exclusion of frontline voices.

The document analyzes the 'arduous' journey of Zambian civil society in the APRM process, highlighting the establishment of a dedicated CSO APRM Secretariat in 2007 and its eventual closure in 2011. It details how the process was hindered by resource constraints, political instability following the death of President Levy Mwanawasa, and overlaps with a contentious national constitutional review. Key achievements include the production of an independent CSO thematic report that influenced the Country Self-Assessment Report and the Country Review Report. The author argues that the lack of a plan to monitor the National Programme of Action (NPoA) after the Secretariat's closure was a fundamental flaw, and emphasizes the need for long-term funding and collective capacity building for effective governance oversight.

The document details the Botswana APRM Popular Sensitisation (BAPS) Project, an initiative led by the Botswana Council of Non-Governmental Organisations (BOCONGO) and the South African Institute of International Affairs (SAIIA). It describes how over 35 CSOs collaborated to produce a governance report covering 12 key areas, despite challenges posed by the COVID-19 pandemic. The briefing provides a set of recommendations for other countries, emphasizing the importance of inclusivity, non-partisan coordination, and the use of ICTs to facilitate civic engagement in governance reviews.

The Zimbabwe APRM Popular Sensitisation (ZAPS) Project hosted a workshop on February 26, 2021, involving the Zimbabwean government, the APRM Secretariat, and civil society organisations (CSOs). The event focused on the role of CSOs in enhancing accountability and transparency through the APRM process. Participants from Botswana, Namibia, South Africa, and Zambia shared experiences, emphasizing the need to avoid politicising the review process, the value of unified CSO collaboration, and the importance of involving youth and providing civic education to ordinary citizens.

The document evaluates the EITI, a global transparency standard for extractive industries, noting its success in improving investment climates and contract disclosure while highlighting failures in preventing corruption and ensuring civil society participation.