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The document examines how the reliance on consensus in the UNFCCC has led to a 'race to the bottom,' resulting in watered-down agreements on fossil fuels, science-based targets, and loss and damage. It proposes two procedural pathways for reform: adopting the long-delayed draft Rules of Procedure or amending the Convention itself. To support this, the author provides a comparative analysis of other UN institutions and multilateral environmental agreements—such as the Montreal Protocol and the Green Climate Fund—that successfully utilize voting to break deadlocks and advance substantive goals.

The World Resources Institute (WRI) issued a statement mourning the passing of Rafe Pomerance, a pioneer in the climate movement. Pomerance is credited with helping organize the 1986 U.S. Senate hearings on the greenhouse effect and serving as a key architect of the 1997 Kyoto Protocol. He worked with numerous organizations, including WRI from 1986 to 1993, Friends of the Earth, and the U.S. government, to push climate change onto the political agenda.

The authors argue that the upcoming UN General Assembly resolution to operationalize the International Court of Justice's (ICJ) Advisory Opinion on climate change is a critical test of global climate leadership. They assert that the resolution reflects existing legal obligations to prevent climate harm, provide reparations, and ensure a just transition from fossil fuels. While noting resistance from major emitters and oil producers who seek to weaken the text, the authors maintain that the resolution complements existing UNFCCC processes by closing an 'accountability gap' that the treaty regime has failed to address.

The document assesses the UN climate regime's transition into an 'implementation era' following the completion of the Paris Agreement Rulebook. It identifies systemic inefficiencies, including a predominance of procedural over substantive decisions, overlapping mandates of constituted bodies, and significant funding gaps for developing countries. The authors argue that the regime is hindered by a de facto veto system based on consensus and the influence of fossil fuel lobbyists. Key recommendations include streamlining negotiation agendas, adopting formal voting rules, formally closing the Kyoto Protocol, and integrating the UNFCCC with other Rio Conventions to address the root causes of the climate crisis.

The document details the technical processes Ember uses to track coal mine methane (CMM) emissions, including how it fills historical data gaps using emission intensity factors and forecasts future emissions based on IEA production data. It outlines a confidence scoring system (0-6) for national reporting based on recency, similarity to independent estimates, and methodology robustness. Additionally, it explains how Ember calculates the proportion of surface versus underground mining and the percentage of hard coal production associated with satellite-detected methane plumes.

The report highlights significant gaps and uncertainties in global coal mine methane (CMM) emissions reporting, noting that 89% of emissions were left unreported in 2023. It criticizes the reliance on generic emission factors (Tiers 1 and 2) used for 87% of global coal production and advocates for the transition to direct, facility-level measurements (Tier 3) to increase data confidence and support mitigation policies.

The document identifies a critical mismatch between World Trade Organization (WTO) rules and climate objectives, noting that existing trade frameworks do not recognize emissions as an organizing criterion and that intellectual property laws under the TRIPS Agreement hinder the diffusion of green technologies. It highlights a governance gap where climate-trade issues fall between the market-access focus of the WTO and the emissions-reduction focus of the UNFCCC, often leading to unilateral measures like the EU's Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism (CBAM). Additionally, the report notes a knowledge gap regarding the distributional impacts of trade-climate measures on least developed and commodity-dependent countries, particularly in Africa where emissions measurements in land use and agriculture are uncertain. To ensure a just transition, the authors advocate for a multilateral approach that prioritizes development, structural transformation, and the treatment of climate technologies as global public goods.

The Center for International Environmental Law (CIEL) advocates for a managed, financed, and equitable fossil fuel phaseout during the First Conference on Transitioning Away from Fossil Fuels in Santa Marta, Colombia. CIEL proposes a binding Fossil Fuel Treaty to fill governance gaps and argues that states have a legal obligation, supported by the International Court of Justice (ICJ), to phase out fossil fuels. Key priorities include dismantling Investor-State Dispute Settlement (ISDS) mechanisms, ending offshore oil and gas licensing, halting petrochemical expansion, and rejecting carbon capture and geoengineering. The document emphasizes that the transition must be funded by the largest cumulative polluters and grounded in human rights and Indigenous leadership.

The document outlines three distinct 'tracks' for a just transition from fossil fuels. The UNFCCC and Paris Agreement provide a universal framework for emissions reduction but lack explicit obligations on fossil fuel production due to their consensus-based structure. The COP30 Presidency Roadmap, led by Brazil, serves as a non-binding, non-negotiated forum to facilitate political dialogue and identify barriers to transition. The proposed Fossil Fuel Treaty seeks to fill the governance gap by establishing binding, supply-side commitments through a coalition of high-ambition states, focusing on ending new project expansion, implementing a science-based phase-out, and providing just transition finance.

The report analyzes the limitations of the UNFCCC's consensus-based model and the non-binding nature of Brazil's COP30 Roadmap, arguing for a binding Fossil Fuel Treaty to regulate supply and ensure a just transition.

The briefing compares three pathways for a just transition from fossil fuels. It notes that while the UNFCCC provides a universal framework for emissions, it lacks explicit obligations for fossil fuel production. Brazil's COP30 'Roadmap' serves as a non-binding political dialogue to identify transition barriers. The proposed Fossil Fuel Treaty aims to fill governance gaps through binding commitments to end new project expansion, implement science-based phase-outs, and provide financial support for affected communities.

The report examines the impact of New York's CLCPA greenhouse gas accounting method, which differs from the UNFCCC standard. It finds that the CLCPA approach increases the distance to statutory targets and alters cost-effective abatement strategies, though substantial reductions remain necessary regardless of the method used. The authors argue that marginal abatement cost data for different gases and sectors is essential for evaluating the 2025 New York State Energy Plan.

Following COP30 in Belém, the adoption of the Belém Technology Implementation Programme (TIP), the extension of the Climate Technology Centre (CTC), and the development of the Just Transition Mechanism (JTM) create a critical window for African countries to reshape multilateral technology cooperation. The author argues that without scaled concessional finance and a shift away from loan-based instruments, these institutional changes risk reinforcing import dependence and debt distress. The document outlines a strategic roadmap for the African Group from 2026 to 2028, focusing on securing a suitable CTC host, influencing JTM operationalisation, and proposing specific technology-justice indicators to ensure that green innovation benefits African national innovation systems rather than remaining a donor-driven process.

The document analyzes the ICJ's advisory opinion to argue that States must prioritize reducing greenhouse gas emissions at the source over speculative technologies like geoengineering and carbon offsets. It outlines how the ICJ's standards of 'stringent due diligence' and the 'precautionary principle' can be used in litigation to hold States and corporations accountable for ineffective climate strategies that delay the phase-out of fossil fuels.

The document analyzes the implications of the ICJ's advisory opinion on States' obligations to prevent environmental harm, specifically focusing on the cessation of fossil fuel subsidies and the regulation of private finance. It argues that States may commit internationally wrongful acts by continuing to fund fossil fuel production or failing to regulate private financiers. Additionally, it outlines binding obligations for developed States to provide financial assistance to developing countries for climate adaptation and mitigation under the UNFCCC and Paris Agreement. The briefing concludes by categorizing various types of climate litigation—including cases against public agencies, central banks, and private financial institutions—where these legal findings are applicable.

The document provides a structured analysis of the International Court of Justice (ICJ) advisory opinion (AO) delivered on 23 July 2025, specifically focusing on how its findings can be applied to climate adaptation litigation. It details binding obligations under the UNFCCC and Paris Agreement, the intersection of adaptation with human rights law, and the ICJ's rejection of arguments that the cumulative nature of climate change exempts individual States from responsibility. The guide also categorizes types of litigation—including human rights-based cases, national planning challenges, corporate accountability, and infrastructure projects—where these legal excerpts are most applicable.

The document analyzes the legal implications of the ICJ's 2025 advisory opinion for 'government framework cases,' which target emissions reduction targets and regulatory frameworks. It details how the ICJ clarified that 1.5°C is the primary temperature goal of the Paris Agreement and established a 'stringent' due diligence standard for States in preparing and implementing Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs). The guide highlights that NDCs must reflect a State's 'highest possible ambition' and be capable of making an adequate contribution to the 1.5°C goal. It also emphasizes the application of customary international law regarding the duty to prevent significant transboundary harm and the duty to cooperate, regardless of treaty membership. Furthermore, the document connects climate action to human rights obligations and intergenerational equity, providing a legal basis for courts to order remedies such as the adoption of consistent NDCs or full reparation.

The ICJ AO Litigation Notes Digest synthesizes the International Court of Justice's 2025 advisory opinion, establishing that States have stringent due diligence obligations to prevent significant harm to the climate system. It clarifies that the 1.5°C goal is the primary temperature target under the Paris Agreement and that the right to a clean, healthy, and sustainable environment is a precondition for other human rights. The digest details the legal consequences of breaches, including obligations of cessation and reparation, and emphasizes that climate obligations are erga omnes, meaning all States have a legal interest in their protection.

2025 was Earth's third-warmest year on record, with average temperatures 1.3°C above pre-industrial levels. This continues a heat streak driven by fossil fuel pollution, pushing the planet toward the 1.5°C long-term warming limit, which could be exceeded by 2030. While global electricity demand is increasingly met by renewables, the U.S. has recently rolled back clean energy policies and withdrawn from key international climate agreements.

The We Mean Business Coalition warns that the US withdrawal from the UNFCCC and IPCC risks weakening the shared frameworks and trusted science necessary for global climate action. The coalition emphasizes that businesses require alignment across geographies to manage complex value chains and make long-term investment decisions, noting that fragmentation increases costs and inefficiency. Despite this, the coalition remains committed to working with its network of over 20,000 companies, including 2,000 in the US, to advance the clean energy transition through global collaboration.