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The document examines the role of 'emerging powers'—specifically China, India, Russia, and Brazil—in the two Sudans following the 2005 Comprehensive Peace Agreement and South Sudan's 2011 independence. It highlights China as the most dominant actor, particularly in the oil and infrastructure sectors, while India's role is significant but more limited. The analysis argues that the 'South-South cooperation' rhetoric used by these states masks a reality of extractive economic interests that reinforce Sudan's unbalanced political economy. The paper details how the 2011 secession of South Sudan stripped Sudan of 75% of its oil production, leading to economic decline and shifting the strategic focus of Asian investors. It also discusses the impact of conflicts in Darfur, South Kordofan, and Blue Nile on foreign investments and the role of these powers in peacekeeping and arms transfers.

The document presents findings from a 2013 South African Institute of International Affairs (SAIIA) survey of 60 diplomats and experts in Pretoria and Addis Ababa. It argues that while South Africa's commitment to an 'African Agenda' and peace resolution is respected, its overall strategic direction has become 'confusing' and 'obfuscated' under President Zuma. The briefing warns against 'trophy diplomacy'—attempting to project global influence before maturing as a geopolitical entity—and recommends reviewing the Foreign Policy White Paper to better balance relations between Africa, the West, and the emerging South. It specifically suggests that South Africa leverage shared priorities between East and Southern Africa to resolve stalled negotiations for the Tri-Partite Free Trade Area between COMESA, the ECA, and SADC.

The analysis reveals a significant increase in trade between Ethiopia and BRICS, particularly with China and India, though the relationship remains characterized by a 'North-South' pattern. Ethiopia primarily exports primary products and crude materials while importing manufactured goods and machinery. While there are signs of diversification in the leather industry, the paper argues that Ethiopia must prioritize commodity-based transformation and value chain development to maximize the benefits of its trade with BRICS.

The document examines Brazil's shift from traditional state-led foreign policy to a 'public policy' approach, characterized by a plurality of actors including domestic ministries and subnational entities. It details Brazil's South–South co-operation (SSC) strategies, which emphasize horizontal relationships and solidarity over traditional donor-recipient models. The analysis highlights the strategic importance of Africa, noting significant growth in trade, technical co-operation through the Brazilian Cooperation Agency (ABC), and the role of state-owned enterprises like Vale and Petrobras. It argues that these strategies are part of Brazil's broader pursuit of political autonomy and global power status through coalitions like BRICS and IBSA.

The paper argues that while South Africa possesses comparative advantages in access and shared experience, its previous aid efforts—managed via the African Renaissance Fund (ARF)—were often ad hoc and lacked strategic coordination. It recommends that SADPA move beyond high-level diplomatic agreements to engage with national aid architectures and employ political-economy analysis to ensure local ownership of projects.

The African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM), established in 2003 under NEPAD, is a voluntary governance assessment system where African states evaluate their own political, economic, and corporate governance. By 2013, 33 states had acceded, with 17 completing their first review. The mechanism utilizes a process of self-assessment, expert missions, and high-level peer review to identify deficiencies and implement National Programmes of Action (NPoAs). While the APRM has successfully expanded democratic space and fostered a common governance vocabulary, it faces challenges in integrating NPoAs into national budgets and ensuring consistent high-level oversight of implementation.

The document examines the challenges of African regional economic integration, highlighting the failure of the EU-modeled Abuja Treaty due to political tensions and infrastructure deficits. It compares the 'traditional' donor approach—focused on institutional support and soft infrastructure—with the 'emerging' partners' project-based, resource-driven approach. The author argues that while emerging partners fill critical hard infrastructure gaps, their tied-aid models can limit local skill transfer. The paper concludes that Africa must define its own strategic development agenda to effectively leverage competition between these partners and avoid 'incentive wars'.

Brazil provides technical assistance to Africa primarily through the Brazilian Cooperation Agency (ABC), focusing on South-South solidarity and the transfer of domestic expertise in agriculture, health, and social policy. While Brazil has established flagship projects like ProSavana in Mozambique and 'Cotton-4' in West Africa, the rapid expansion of these commitments has led to institutional overstretch, a lack of monitoring mechanisms, and a need for greater transparency and civil society involvement.

The report examines South Africa's transition from an aid recipient to a provider of development assistance in Africa. It details the limitations of the previous African Renaissance Fund (ARF) and the subsequent push to establish the South African Development Partnership Agency (SADPA) to coordinate diverse domestic stakeholders and align with the 'African Agenda'. The analysis highlights South Africa's comparative advantages in peace-building, public financial management, and infrastructure, while noting tensions between altruistic 'ubuntu' diplomacy and the need for strategic economic diplomacy to support South African commercial interests.

The report assesses avenues for South-South cooperation on climate adaptation, emphasizing the sharing of experiences between China and other developing nations to avoid maladaptation. It concludes that while participant countries can benefit from collaboration with China on climate compatible development, success requires demand-driven work and funding targeted at long-term sustainability to address existing gaps.

The document evaluates the transition from the Working Party on Aid Effectiveness to the Global Partnership for Effective Development Cooperation (GPEDC). It argues that while the new partnership is more inclusive, it struggles with a weak monitoring framework, slow operationalization of indicators, and a governance structure that still feels dominated by Northern paradigms. The author highlights the 'African Consensus' as a tool for continental coherence and notes the reluctance of major South-South providers like China, India, and Brazil to adhere to OECD-DAC standards, suggesting a need for separate Southern effectiveness frameworks.

The document analyzes South Africa's role as a 'middle power' and 'systems stabiliser' within the G-20 and BRICS. It argues that while South Africa uses these platforms to enhance its global profile and champion the 'African Agenda', its positions on finance and food security are often generalist rather than grounded in specific domestic strategies. The paper evaluates the potential of the BRICS Bank to address infrastructure gaps in Africa and highlights the lack of a cohesive collective identity among BRICS members, which limits their ability to act as a unified counterweight to the G-7. It concludes that South Africa must better align its external engagements with measurable domestic development imperatives to avoid 'bureaucratic capture' and ensure tangible benefits for its citizens.

The document outlines the Chinese view of South Africa as a critical 'bridge' between the BRICS nations and the African continent. It highlights the 'comprehensive strategic partnership' between China and South Africa, noting that while economic complementarity is strong, challenges exist regarding South Africa's investment environment and trade imbalances. Chinese analysts argue that South Africa's domestic political stability and regional leadership provide it with 'irreplaceable unique advantages' that enhance the BRICS' collective voice in reforming global economic governance, particularly within the IMF and G-20.

The CDKN Innovation Fund (Round 2) provides grants of up to GBP 100,000 for a maximum of six months to support 'innovation processes' that result in 'game-changing' project proposals for climate compatible development in Africa. Lead applicants must be African institutions, and the fund prioritizes projects with strong government buy-in and alignment with specific thematic priorities, including clean energy and climate finance. Successful innovation processes may be eligible for subsequent implementation funding of up to GBP 200,000.

The report details a conference on Sino-African Union cooperation in peace and security, exploring the intersection of China's economic engagement and Africa's security architecture. Key discussions focus on the 'African solutions to African problems' principle, the role of Regional Economic Communities (RECs) like ECOWAS and IGAD, and specific conflict zones such as the two Sudans and Somalia. While acknowledging China's role in infrastructure and condition-free aid, the report highlights concerns regarding environmental degradation, the influx of cheap goods, and the impact of arms supplies. It recommends a shift from ad-hoc crisis reaction to a proactive role for China, emphasizing capacity building for the AU's African Peace and Security Architecture (APSA) and the Continental Early Warning System (CEWS).

The analysis finds that South Africa has become more confident in the UNSC, increasing its co-sponsorship of resolutions and successfully promoting its 'African Agenda'. While it has improved cooperation with other African members and fostered South-South and North-South partnerships, it faces ongoing challenges in securing permanent representation for Africa on the Council and maintaining its status as the continent's leading driver on international issues.

Tanzania has implemented the Small Power Projects (SPP) programme to scale up decentralized renewable energy and reduce dependence on drought-prone hydropower and expensive fossil fuels. The programme uses an avoided-cost-based feed-in tariff (FIT) to attract private investment without increasing costs for the national utility, TANESCO. While five plants (28.3 MW) are operational and ten more are planned, growth is hindered by low tariffs, high financing costs, and technical skepticism. The brief highlights the importance of South-South exchanges with Thailand and Sri Lanka in developing the regulatory framework and suggests that transitioning to technology-based tariffs, supported by international climate finance, is necessary for broader deployment of solar and wind energy.

The report details a study group session held in March 2012 to evaluate South Africa's engagement with the BRICS nations. Key discussions focused on the potential for a BRICS Development Bank, the tension between competition and cooperation in trade, and the need for a more coherent strategy to bridge the gap between government policy and private sector participation. Panelists highlighted structural trade imbalances, such as South Africa's export of low-value products, and the risk of neglecting other emerging economies and regional SADC trade in favor of BRICS. The session also addressed the critical need for inclusive growth to combat rising inequality within BRICS nations.

The document examines the multifaceted relationship between China and Kenya, highlighting a trade imbalance where Kenya exports raw materials and imports value-added, often counterfeit, products. It analyzes how Chinese construction firms provide efficiency and quality but create unfair competition for local contractors through government-backed financial advantages. The paper evaluates Kenyan legislative responses, such as the Anti-Counterfeit Act of 2008 and the National Construction Authority Act 2010, and suggests regional coordination within the East African Community (EAC) to mitigate negative effects.

The document examines the shift in global development dynamics, noting the rise of South–South co-operation (SSC) and the emergence of 'state capitalism', exemplified by China. It argues that while the diversification of partners offers opportunities, African nations must proactively define their developmental interests and improve negotiating capacity to avoid being exploited by rising powers seeking resources. The author recommends that Africa adopt transparency and accountability principles similar to those in North-South aid, utilize national and regional development strategies as frameworks for cooperation, and establish regional codes of conduct for investments, particularly regarding farmland and food security.