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The report argues that achieving Paris Agreement goals in Latin America requires comprehensive policy frameworks and long-term visions to provide the planning certainty necessary to mobilise private capital for decarbonisation.

The document provides a multi-expert critique of COP26, noting that while the summit completed the Paris Agreement rule book and secured net zero commitments for 90% of the world, it failed to secure a 'grand bargain' for coal with India or a loss and damage fund. It highlights the $8.5 billion just transition deal for South Africa as a potential model but warns that developed nations have failed to meet the $100 billion annual finance goal. Experts argue that the summit ignored the critical role of oceans in carbon absorption and failed to address the resource-intensive economic systems driving global warming.

The document outlines a 24-month, USD 813,548 project implemented by the Global Water Partnership Organisation (GWPO) to address gaps in Sri Lanka's climate finance readiness. Key objectives include establishing a Direct Access Accreditation Support Helpdesk to assist national banks in becoming GCF-accredited, creating a Climate-Smart Green Growth Strategy for lower watersheds and coastal regions, and developing three new GCF project concept notes. The project emphasizes Integrated Water Resources Management (IWRM) as a primary entry point for building resilience against floods, droughts, and sea-level rise, while operationalizing a national climate risk data portal to improve stakeholder coordination.

The We Mean Business Coalition welcomes the Glasgow Climate Pact as a vital framework for keeping global warming to 1.5°C, noting that it provides the certitude needed for business to scale up climate solutions. The coalition emphasizes the need to fast-track the implementation of national plans and pledges, specifically calling for the phase-out of coal-fired power by 2030 for advanced economies and 2040 for others, and the removal of fossil fuel subsidies by 2025. The statement highlights the importance of the Net-Zero Standard from the Science Based Target initiative (SBTi), the creation of the International Sustainability Standards Board (ISSB) for global reporting, and the agreement on Article 6 rules for carbon markets to drive deep decarbonization.

The We Mean Business Coalition calls on COP26 participants to align policies and finance with a 1.5°C trajectory, strengthen Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs) to halve global emissions by 2030, and finalize robust rules for Article 6 of the Paris Agreement to prevent double counting of emissions reductions.

The Climate Action Tracker identifies a 'credibility gap' where current policies lead to 2.7°C of warming, while even the fulfillment of all 2030 targets would result in 2.4°C. Despite 90% of global emissions being covered by net zero targets, only 6% are rated as 'acceptable', and no analyzed country has sufficient short-term policies to reach its net zero goal. The report highlights the continued expansion of coal and natural gas as primary drivers of this failure.

The Green Climate Fund (GCF) is employing four pathways to accelerate climate innovation and investment in developing countries: fostering supportive regulatory environments, funding accelerators and incubators, de-risking first-mover investments, and strengthening domestic financial institutions. These efforts aim to address the gap in achieving Paris Agreement goals, with GCF managing a portfolio of USD 10 billion and assets totaling USD 37.2 billion across 127 developing countries.

The 2021 NDC Update Report finds that while 95% of surveyed countries have strengthened greenhouse gas emissions targets, overall progress remains too slow and pledges insufficient. The report highlights a significant gap in long-term strategies (LTSs), with only 17% of Parties having communicated one to the UNFCCC as of October 2021. It emphasizes the critical role of subnational governments, noting that 80% of respondents view them as important for NDC implementation and 75% report their actual involvement in planning. The document warns against using 'green recovery' narratives as a 'smokescreen' for inaction and calls for a just transition to manage trade-offs between climate action and sustainable development goals.

The report finds that new coal capacity in the IRP 2019 is unnecessary for energy security, more expensive than renewable alternatives, and incompatible with the Paris Agreement. Modelling shows that forcing 1.5 GW of new coal into the system increases total discounted power system costs by R23 billion in a reference scenario and up to R109 billion in a climate policy scenario. Furthermore, the study argues that a high-renewable pathway creates more jobs and supports higher GDP growth than a coal-dominated future.

The proposal seeks USD 224,461.76 to create a long-term strategy for e-mobility in Cambodia, addressing barriers in policy, infrastructure, and finance. The project aims to establish an inter-institutional coordination mechanism and a comprehensive roadmap to transition from internal combustion engines to electric vehicles, targeting a 3% reduction in transport sector GHG emissions by 2030.

The document analyzes the 'innovation chain'—emergence, deployment, and widespread adoption—to explain why capital fails to flow to climate projects in developing countries. It details a strategy by the Green Climate Fund (GCF) to overcome these barriers through policy support, piloting new technologies, de-risking investments via blended finance, and strengthening domestic financial institutions.

The briefing finds that sectoral pledges on methane, coal, transport, and deforestation could close the 2030 emissions gap by approximately 9% (2.2 GtCO2e), though global emissions would still remain nearly twice as high as necessary for a 1.5°C pathway. The Global Methane Pledge and the Glasgow Leaders’ Declaration on Forests and Land Use offer the highest likely impacts, while the coal and electric vehicle initiatives provide minimal additional reductions due to limited signatory participation or delayed phase-out timelines.

The report analyzes the link between income inequality and carbon emissions, projecting that by 2030, the richest 10% of the global population will still be responsible for nearly half of all consumption emissions (48%), while the bottom 50% will account for only 10%. It highlights that the net effect of current NDCs results in 2030 global emissions remaining roughly equal to 2015 levels (35.5 GtCO2), which is nearly double the 18 GtCO2 median estimate required to limit warming to 1.5°C.

The document identifies a regional trend where Argentina, Brazil, Colombia, and Mexico have used the COVID-19 economic recovery as a justification to expand fossil fuel extraction and subsidies, often framing natural gas as a 'bridge fuel' or citing 'energy sovereignty'. This approach creates a 'carbon lock-in' that contradicts their Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs) and increases the risk of stranded assets. The report highlights the central role of state-owned enterprises (such as PEMEX, YPF, and Petrobras) in maintaining this fossil-fuel dependency and notes a general absence of concrete just transition plans for affected workers and communities.

The analysis reveals that the COVID-19 pandemic has widened the climate finance gap in developing countries, leading to domestic budget reallocations away from climate projects toward health and economic recovery. International climate finance has also decreased, with a higher reliance on loans that increase national debt burdens. The report highlights that climate-finance needs, estimated at $4.6 trillion based on a sample of NDCs, far exceed current flows, and that pandemic-related restrictions have delayed the approval and execution of critical climate projects.

WWF International outlines a framework for high-impact nature-based solutions (NbS) for climate mitigation, emphasizing that interventions must simultaneously benefit human well-being, biodiversity, and the climate. The report argues against narrowly designing projects for carbon credits, instead advocating for landscape-scale or jurisdictional approaches that align with national strategies and the Paris Agreement. It provides a hierarchy for forest-related interventions—prioritizing REDD, then improved forest management, and finally afforestation, reforestation, and restoration—and details essential safeguards, including free, prior and informed consent (FPIC) for Indigenous peoples and local communities (IPLCs). To ensure integrity, the blueprint recommends rigorous due diligence to mitigate risks such as inflated baselines, leakage, and non-permanence.

The authors develop a framework to evaluate the quality of carbon offset credits, specifically focusing on whether one unit represents a genuine emission reduction of at least 1 tCO2e. This is intended to support the use of existing crediting schemes for internationally transferred mitigation outcomes (ITMOs) under Article 6.2 of the Paris Agreement, ensuring that such mechanisms maintain environmental integrity and do not increase global emissions.

The G20 countries account for 84% of global greenhouse gas emissions from fossil fuels and 90% of global GDP, yet their climate commitments and financial contributions remain insufficient. While some G20 nations have submitted enhanced 2030 NDCs and net-zero targets, others, such as Brazil and Mexico, have reduced their ambitions. The document highlights a failure to meet the 2010 pledge of $100 billion annual climate finance for developing countries, noting that finance is often misdirected toward middle-income countries rather than the most vulnerable, and increasingly provided as loans rather than grants. Furthermore, G20 countries have provided more funding to fossil fuels (over $315 billion) than to clean energy (around $280 billion) since the start of the Covid-19 pandemic.

The document outlines five primary concerns regarding Article 6 of the Paris Agreement: the lack of buyer demand compared to sellers, the prevalence of unregulated private sector greenwashing, the oversupply of low-quality credits, the struggle to find high-integrity removal credits, and the risk of legacy credits from the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) undermining new climate targets.

The NewClimate Institute criticizes Switzerland's bilateral climate agreements with Georgia, Peru, Senegal, and Ghana, arguing that by targeting 'low-hanging fruit' (low-cost emission reductions), Switzerland avoids domestic decarbonization while potentially blocking host countries from meeting their own Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs). The author contends that for market mechanisms under Article 6 of the Paris Agreement to be effective, they must focus on 'high-hanging fruit'—hard-to-abate emissions that require external finance—and that Switzerland should instead prioritize fulfilling its fair share of international climate finance without claiming ownership of the resulting emission reductions.