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The report finds a significant surplus of Assigned Amount Units (AAUs) from the first Kyoto commitment period (CP1), totaling 12,637 Mt, which vastly exceeds the estimated demand of 11.5 Mt. It notes that the ability to carry over these surpluses to the second commitment period (CP2) depends on a country's participation in CP2, meaning Russia's stated intent not to join would remove 5.8 Gt CO2e from the available surplus.

CCAP and CDM Watch support the G77 proposal to cancel 13Gt of AAU surplus by the end of the second commitment period (CP2) in 2017 or 2020. While the proposal allows for the carryover of AAUs for domestic compliance, it prohibits their trading. The organizations further welcome the proposal's aim to prevent a new surplus after 2012 by cancelling the difference between CP2 targets and actual 2012 emissions if emissions are lower than the target, which may require some EU Member State targets to be strengthened.

The document examines China's strategic approach to the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM), highlighting the role of powerful ministries, coordinated capacity building, and specific market restrictions to ensure local benefits.

The document examines the risk posed by a projected surplus of up to 13 billion Assigned Amount Units (AAUs) that could be carried over into a second Kyoto Protocol commitment period. It argues that without restrictions, this surplus could eliminate additional emissions reductions and threaten the goal of limiting global warming to 2°C, thereby undermining the viability of the global climate deal planned for 2020.

The author proposes a cognitive approach to analyze the persistent failure of global climate governance, arguing that human behavior in negotiations is driven by underlying mental representations. The paper introduces cognitive-affective mapping (CAM) as a qualitative tool to visualize these belief systems, including their emotional valences. By applying CAM to UNFCCC participants, the research aims to identify cognitive barriers to cooperation and explore how these mental structures differ between individuals and groups, potentially offering new pathways for diplomatic breakthroughs.

The May 2012 Bonn Climate Change Conference focused on the procedural initialization of the Ad Hoc Working Group on the Durban Platform for Enhanced Action (ADP) and the conclusion of the Bali Action Plan (BAP). While the ADP reached agreements on its chairmanship and an expanded agenda beyond mitigation, the session was marked by significant political tension. Key disputes included the length of the second Kyoto commitment period—with the EU favoring eight years and developing countries favoring five—and the politicization of climate financing, specifically the EU's proposal to use aviation compliance charges from the EU Emissions Trading Scheme. The conference also highlighted growing divisions within the G-77/China bloc, particularly between the BASIC group and other developing nations regarding mitigation responsibilities.

The document argues that the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) has failed its dual goals of reducing emissions and promoting sustainable development. It highlights that 40-70% of projects are non-additional, meaning they would have occurred without CDM registration, and that many projects cause social and environmental harm. The signatories call for the exclusion of fossil fuel and large hydro projects, the implementation of 'do no harm' assessments, and the creation of meaningful public participation and grievance mechanisms.

The document expresses concerns that carbon credit offsets within the EU Emissions Trading System (EU-ETS) and the Effort Sharing Decision (ESD) undermine domestic emission reductions. It specifically calls for Portugal to prohibit offsets from industrial HFC-23 and N2O emissions, coal-fired power plants in developing countries, large-scale hydropower projects under the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM), and Phase I Joint Implementation (JI) projects due to lack of environmental integrity and transparency.

The submission argues that current climate pledges are insufficient to limit warming to 2°C and warns that 'hot air' (surplus allowances) could allow developed countries to maintain business-as-usual emissions. It calls for a robust governance structure for Joint Implementation (JI) projects, focusing on transparency, environmental integrity, and the treatment of projects during the gap period.

The document is an annotated bibliography covering various scholarly and policy works on multilateral environmental agreements (MEAs). It examines themes of compliance, accountability, and the role of non-governmental organizations (NGOs) in global governance. A significant portion of the text analyzes the 'interplay' between MEAs and the WTO, noting how trade restrictions can either 'chill' environmental negotiations or serve as effective enforcement tools, as seen in the Montreal Protocol. It also details the specific compliance mechanisms of the Kyoto Protocol, CITES, and the Basel Convention, while highlighting the challenges of climate finance and the need for transparency in the EU's financial commitments to developing countries.

The document defines Measurement, Reporting and Verification (MRV) as processes to provide and assess factual information to ensure parties meet their obligations. It notes that while the Bali Action Plan initiated MRV requirements, there is currently no clear, agreed-upon global framework, leading to fragmented reporting and a lack of trust between developed and developing nations. The text highlights a central tension: developed countries generally seek uniform standards for all, while developing countries advocate for differentiated standards and increased financial and technical support to build reporting capacity. The author argues that a standardized, transparent MRV system is essential for accountability, building trust, and tracking progress toward the UNFCCC's goal of reducing greenhouse gas emissions.

The document analyzes the results of the COP17 Durban Platform, highlighting the role of Latin American and Caribbean (LAC) countries in bridging gaps between developed and developing nations. It argues that LAC countries should leverage their 'creative diversity' and track record of voluntary emission reductions to lead a high-ambition coalition with Africa and Asia. Key recommendations include strengthening a political narrative that decouples development from emissions growth, improving communication of domestic low-carbon successes, and scaling up adaptation and resilience planning to protect vulnerable infrastructure and food security.

The document critiques the application of carbon trading in Africa, asserting that the continent remains marginal to the global market. It highlights how the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) creates perverse incentives, such as rewarding illegal gas flaring in Nigeria or subsidising fossil fuel dependence, while providing minimal financial benefit to local communities. The author argues that carbon offsets act as an 'avoided responsibility mechanism' for the global North and recommends shifting toward more just forms of climate finance.

The report examines the MRV frameworks of four major emitters, finding that while emissions tracking is well-established and consistent with international standards, the tracking of mitigation actions is fragmented, often relying on ex-ante projections rather than ex-post measurements of actual reductions.

The report analyzes the complex relationship between China's foreign direct investment (FDI), outward direct investment (ODI), and international trade with the environment. It identifies a historical trend of 'exchanging environment for economy' and argues that China must transition from a passive recipient of green technology to a proactive leader in global green transformation. Key recommendations include reforming FDI policies to prioritize high-tech and low-carbon sectors, enhancing the corporate social responsibility (CSR) of Chinese enterprises operating abroad, and actively participating in the formulation of international trade and investment rules to safeguard developing countries' interests while combating climate change.

This fact sheet outlines a series of global events, publications, and policy agreements from 1962 to 2012 that have shaped the concept of sustainable development. It tracks the progression from early environmental warnings, such as the publication of Silent Spring, through the establishment of major international bodies like the UNEP and IPCC, to the adoption of the Kyoto Protocol and the Millennium Development Goals. The timeline highlights the increasing intersection of environmental protection, economic policy, and social equity, noting the rise of the 'green economy' and the critical role of both developed and emerging nations, particularly China, in the global energy transition.

The Adaptation Fund lacks a formal, transparent methodology for defining and measuring 'particular vulnerability,' leading to an ad hoc allocation process. An analysis of 48 proposals (25 approved) shows that funding has reached a wide range of socio-economic conditions and HDI levels, with no clear pattern correlating approvals to national vulnerability indices. While the fund prioritizes concrete adaptation measures in agriculture and water, the absence of standardized vulnerability criteria undermines the ability to systematically compare project merits or ensure that the most vulnerable populations are prioritized.

The letter argues that CDM coal power projects are non-additional, generate artificial carbon credits, and lock in billions of tons of CO2 while causing health and ecosystem damage. It references a CDM Executive Board suspension and an independent SEI study to support the claim that revised methodologies cannot ensure real and measurable emission reductions, calling for a formal CMP decision at COP-17 to exclude these projects.

The document analyzes how the European Union has integrated New Member States (NMS) into its climate framework through various effort-sharing mechanisms. It highlights the systemic economic and energy divergences between the EU15 and NMS, such as higher energy intensity and coal dependence in the East. The report examines the evolution of target distribution from the Kyoto Protocol and the EU ETS Phase II to the 2008 Climate and Energy Package, concluding that while centralized governance and GDP-based redistribution have improved fairness and ambition, they have often come at the cost of economic efficiency and domestic sovereignty over energy mixes.

The report examines the role of the International Emissions Trading Association (IETA) as a corporate lobby group that promotes carbon trading and the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) to serve the interests of energy and mining companies. It highlights the 'revolving door' between the UK government and IETA leadership, specifically regarding Henry Derwent. The document argues that IETA's influence at UN climate conferences—where it often maintains the largest NGO delegation—promotes low-cost market options that allow developed nations to avoid deep domestic emission cuts, thereby delaying effective climate action.