Search Climate Insights Directory

The document outlines Africa's objectives for COP27, focusing on the African Group of Negotiators' (AGN) demands for increased climate finance and the recognition of the continent's special circumstances. It highlights a tension between the African Union's (AU) support for natural gas as a transition fuel and the goals of renewable energy activists. The brief also details the roles of specific 'climate champion' countries and the impact of global geopolitical tensions, such as the US-China standoff and the Russia-Ukraine war, on climate negotiations.

The authors argue that while the youth climate movement successfully raised global awareness between 2018 and 2022, it has failed to disrupt the systemic forces of ecological breakdown. They suggest the movement must move beyond the 'listen to the science' narrative, which they claim ignores the power dynamics and political-economic drivers of the crisis. To support this evolution, the authors have established Climate Vanguard, a youth-led think tank designed to provide research and communications to help the movement target root causes and build coalitions with frontline communities and workers.

The document examines Russia's increasing diplomatic and military push into Africa, highlighted by Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov's July 2022 visits to Egypt, Democratic Republic of the Congo, Uganda, and Ethiopia. It notes that while Russia was the largest arms supplier to Africa in 2021 (44% of imports) and a critical wheat provider, African states remain divided in their response to the invasion of Ukraine, with 48% abstaining from a UN General Assembly resolution. The author contends that Africa's collective GDP of $2.7 trillion in 2021 exceeds Russia's $1.7 trillion, suggesting that a unified approach via the African Union's Partnership Management and Coordination Division and the African Continental Free Trade Area would increase the continent's agency and bargaining power.

The document explores the evolving relationship between Korea and Africa, focusing on how Korea's carbon-neutrality goals and technological expertise can support Africa's climate resilience. It identifies key areas for partnership, including renewable energy, green minerals for batteries, smart city development, and climate-resilient agriculture, while emphasizing the need for these initiatives to be African-led and aligned with the AU's strategic framework.

The report argues that African states must transition from being 'junior partners' in global cyber diplomacy to active participants by developing common continental positions and leveraging their demographic position as a future technology market. It highlights the risks of 'norm colonisation' from cyber superpowers and the vulnerability of fragile democracies to information warfare. The author recommends that the African Union recruit 'cyber champions' from digitally mature states and uncouple trade negotiations from cyber diplomacy to ensure a unified approach to digital governance and security.

The document argues that Africa is well-positioned to become a major global hub for green hydrogen due to its abundant renewable energy potential, strategic location, and existing infrastructure. It examines global strategies from the EU, Australia, and Chile, and highlights specific projects in South Africa, Namibia, Mauritania, and Morocco. The authors recommend that the G20 provide targeted financing for infrastructure, facilitate technology transfers for local value addition, and help establish stable offtake agreements and harmonised regulatory standards to prevent deepening energy insecurity in Africa.

The document analyzes the deepening strategic, economic, and military ties between Israel and the Republic of Cyprus, emphasizing the role of the trilateral Israel-Cyprus-Greece framework. It finds that while Israeli elites view Cyprus as a loyal ally and a bridge to the European Union, there is a significant lack of awareness regarding the relationship's depth among the broader Israeli public and some lawmakers.

The report examines how AI, as a dual-use technology, is being integrated into military capabilities and regulated through export controls in China, the US, and the EU. It highlights China's 'military-civil fusion' strategy and the US's efforts to maintain technological leadership, while the EU focuses on ethical standards and 'trustworthy AI'. The authors argue that the intangibility of software makes trade controls difficult and that the competition for AI dominance creates a 'dual-use security dilemma' that could destabilize strategic relations and nuclear deterrence.

The External Review finds that WRI is 'Mostly on Track' with its 2018-2022 Strategic Plan, achieving 71.3% of its targets by October 2021. While WRI remains a critical global player in environment and development, the review identifies significant risks related to rapid organizational growth, a potential tilt from research toward advocacy, and under-resourced core functions. The report highlights a need for a 'step-change' in monitoring, evaluation, and learning (MEL) and a more systematic integration of poverty, gender, and social equity (PGSE) across its programs. WRI's Africa office is also 'mostly on track,' though it faces challenges in coordinating global programming with regional priorities.

The United Arab Emirates is the first Gulf state to announce a national drive to achieve net-zero emissions by 2050, with plans to invest $163 billion in renewable energy. The Clean Air Task Force (CATF) suggests that the UAE can leverage its technical capacity to scale low-carbon hydrogen and carbon capture and storage (CCS) to decarbonize its energy exports and support global climate targets. Key recommendations include expanding wind and solar power, developing both blue and green hydrogen, joining the Global Methane Pledge, and establishing international frameworks for clean fuel certification.

IISD conducted a series of internal brainstorms, stakeholder interviews, and literature reviews to identify gaps in Canada's sustainable food systems policy. The findings highlight a need for a holistic 'systems approach' that integrates social equity with economic and environmental goals. IISD identifies five priority areas for future work: emissions reduction strategies, incentives for sustainable practices, data tracking, fiscal analysis for agricultural resiliency, and the promotion of equitable food policy development.

The briefing argues that the U.S. Department of State must expand its role in addressing biological threats, particularly in the wake of the COVID-19 pandemic and the rise of synthetic biology. It recommends creating tailored multilateral cooperation mechanisms, such as an epidemic early warning center, and leveraging AI and big data for better pathogen attribution and treaty verification. The authors also call for the appointment of a special envoy for biorisks and an increase in scientific expertise within the diplomatic corps to manage the dual-use dilemma of life sciences and counter the suspected biological weapons capabilities of nations like Russia, China, and North Korea.

The briefing assesses the role of the Biological Threat Reduction Program (BTRP) in addressing global biological threats, highlighting its history of securing Soviet-era biological weapons and its role in COVID-19 detection in Thailand. It argues that BTRP is a strategic asset for countering the influence of Russia and China, improving pathogen early warning systems, and reducing risks at high-containment laboratories. The authors recommend increasing BTRP's annual budget to $400 million and expanding its operational authorities to allow for global activity.

The briefing assesses the role of the 17 U.S. Department of Energy (DOE) National Laboratories in addressing biological threats. It highlights the Labs' contributions to the 2001 anthrax attacks investigation and the COVID-19 pandemic via the National Virtual Biotechnology Laboratory (NVBL). The authors argue that the Labs are currently underleveraged due to a lack of clear authorities and a historical focus away from human biology. To move from a reactive to a proactive biosecurity posture, the document recommends that the DOE lead in engineering biology, establish a Biosecurity Reserve Corps for nongovernmental experts, re-establish the Chemical and Biological Nonproliferation Program (CBNP), and better integrate the Labs into the private-sector bioeconomy.

The Council on Strategic Risks recommends that the United States end its pursuit of nuclear-armed submarine-launched cruise missiles (SLCM-N) to mitigate the risk of nuclear war. The document argues that SLCM-N are destabilizing because they are virtually indistinguishable from conventional cruise missiles, which could lead to catastrophic miscalculations during a crisis. It suggests a phased approach: first, a unilateral U.S. decision to forgo the weapons, followed by a political commitment from the permanent members of the UN Security Council (P-5) to cap and eliminate them. The brief notes that such an agreement is feasible because few nuclear states possess them—Russia is the only state with a confirmed stockpile—and the U.S. has successfully eliminated them in the past. The authors propose a verification regime involving data exchanges, portal monitors, and random inspections to ensure compliance.

The briefing assesses the critical role of the Chemical and Biological Defense Program (CBDP) in U.S. national security, highlighting its success in developing medical countermeasures for threats like Ebola and swine flu. Despite these capabilities, the authors report a decade-long decline in CBDP funding, which continued during the COVID-19 pandemic. The document recommends doubling the budget to $2 billion in the short term and increasing it to $6.5–$7 billion annually in subsequent years. It advocates for a shift toward 'rapid response platforms,' including nucleic-acid based therapeutics and metagenomic sequencing, while calling for clarified mission authorities to allow CBDP to respond to natural pandemics.

The document analyzes the historical development of the 'WMD paradigm' in the United States, which primarily equates WMD with chemical, biological, radiological, and nuclear (CBRN) weapons. The author argues that while this framework provided bureaucratic stability during the Cold War and post-9/11 era, it now creates a 'failure of imagination' by excluding other technologies—such as cyber weapons, drones, and synthetic biology—that can produce similar mass-casualty or mass-destruction effects. The text highlights a disconnect between the WMD paradigm and the actual historical record since 1990, noting that violent non-state actors often rely on conventional means and state actors frequently use CBRN for targeted assassinations or psychological impact rather than mass destruction.

The authors advocate for a diversified strategy to reach Canada's 2050 carbon neutrality goal, distinguishing between "safe bets" (commercialized technologies) and "risky bets" (emerging technologies). They argue that while safe bets can provide two-thirds of the emissions reductions needed by 2030, risky bets are necessary for cost-effective long-term elimination of emissions. The document calls for a combination of clear incentives for deployment and regulatory support for pilot projects, emphasizing public-private partnerships.

The report proposes a shift from supply-side to demand-side energy planning in China's new urban development zones to support carbon neutrality. By focusing on buildings, transportation, and industry, this integrated energy planning (IEP) approach aims to optimize resource allocation and improve efficiency. The document estimates that if all new urban development zones in China adopt this methodology, it could contribute at least 15% to the total emissions reduction required for China's carbon-neutrality goal.

The document argues that while Africa views migration as a demographic and development issue, the European Union has increasingly adopted a securitised approach. It identifies four key entry points for strengthening the Africa-EU partnership: remittances, legal labour migration pathways, international protection, and voluntary returns and readmissions.