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The document examines supply management (SM) as a mechanism to control commodity supply relative to demand to influence prices. It analyzes various methods—including production quotas, export quotas, and stock manipulation—and evaluates their success across commercial, public, and international contexts. The author argues that while many public SM schemes collapsed due to political shifts toward free-market ideologies and technical inflexibility, SM remains a viable tool to counter 'buyer power' in modern supply chains if implemented with tactical flexibility and producer solidarity.

The document examines the SPLA's efforts to disarm civilian populations in South Sudan following the 2005 Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA). It focuses on the violent disarmament of the Lou Nuer in Jonglei State, which resulted in significant casualties and looting, and contrasts this with a more peaceful process in Akobo. The author argues that the SPLA's approach was dominated by a militarist orientation and a desire to secure the south before confronting the Sudan Armed Forces (SAF) in oil-producing borderlands. The paper also criticizes the United Nations for its failure to proactively manage internal disarmament and its tendency to ignore human rights abuses in the region.

An analysis of 52 Indian CDM projects registered by May 2006 reveals a systemic preference for barrier analysis over investment analysis, with significant gaps in transparency and evidence. The study finds that while 94% of projects use barrier tests, only 33% conduct investment analyses, and only 50% identify alternatives. Detailed case studies of JSW Steel and Bajaj Auto illustrate that the CDM Executive Board's additionality assessments are inconsistent, often depending on how information is 'packaged' by developers. The author concludes that validators frequently fail to critically evaluate barrier claims, potentially allowing non-additional projects to increase net global emissions.

The report examines the implementation of the Montreal Protocol through the lens of the Swedish Ozone Layer Protection programme (OLP), identifying country ownership, capacity building, and stakeholder participation as critical governance factors for success. It argues that a shift from top-down regulation to bottom-up governance is necessary for sustainable national implementation of MEAs.

The 2006 School Bus Pollution Report Card by the Union of Concerned Scientists finds that U.S. school buses are among the oldest vehicles on the road, with an average age of nine years, and emit nearly twice as much soot per mile as tractor-trailer trucks. The report grades states on tailpipe soot emissions, smog-forming pollution, and the success of their cleanup programs. While some states like California and Washington have made significant strides in reducing soot through retrofits and cleaner fuels, national soot pollution from school buses has only decreased by more than two percent. The document highlights the vulnerability of children to diesel exhaust, which is linked to asthma and lung growth deficits, and argues that substantial federal and state investment is needed for bus replacement and the installation of particulate traps.

The document examines the transition of South African border control from a militarised apartheid-era security function to a trade-facilitation mechanism. It highlights a decade of systemic failure to achieve a unified command structure, where agencies like the South African Police Service (SAPS), South African Revenue Service (SARS), and Department of Home Affairs operated in isolation. Despite the efforts of the National Interdepartmental Structure (NIDS) and the Border Control Operational Co-ordinating Committee (BCOCC), the author argues that departmental autonomy and 'turf wars' have prevented the implementation of a single strategic plan. The paper concludes by evaluating three potential models: continued interdepartmental coordination, the creation of a dedicated Ministry of Border Control, or a 'lead agency' model.

The report examines how the Center for Human Rights and Environment (CEDHA) and the International Institute for Sustainable Development (IISD) adapted the Global Reporting Initiative (GRI) Guidelines, which were designed for businesses, for use in the non-profit sector. Both organizations found that while the Guidelines provided a valuable framework for establishing sustainability baselines and increasing staff awareness, they faced challenges with indicators tailored to resource-heavy industries and difficulties in collecting data within shared office spaces. The authors recommend that the GRI develop a specific 'CSO sector supplement' or 'service sector supplement' to better support non-profit reporting.

The document explores Environmental Policy Integration (EPI), defined as the integration of environmental objectives into non-environmental sector policies. It identifies a tension between 'rational' EPI (focused on efficiency and avoiding contradictions) and 'normative' EPI (which argues for 'principled priority' for the environment). The author categorizes the means of achieving EPI into normative factors (political leadership), organisational factors (overcoming sectoral compartmentalisation), and procedural factors (impact assessments and sector strategies). Using Sweden and the EU as primary examples, the paper notes that while legal and procedural frameworks are often established, translating these into substantive policy outputs remains a significant challenge.

The report finds that diesel pollution caused an estimated 3,000 premature deaths and $21.5 billion in health costs in California in 2004. While new engine standards will reduce emissions over time, the longevity of existing engines means significant health risks persist. The authors argue that full implementation of California's Diesel Risk Reduction Plan and increased funding for the Carl Moyer Memorial Air Standards Attainment Program could prevent 11,000 premature deaths and save between $48 billion and $70 billion by 2020.

The report identifies a significant gap between high-level policy and project-level implementation in peacebuilding efforts by the U4 governments. It recommends shifting impact assessment from individual projects to a strategic level and adopting formal frameworks for both general and case-specific intervention strategies.

The report examines the intended and unintended gendered consequences of three international interventions: the UN Mission in Eritrea/Ethiopia (UNMEE), the NATO Stabilization Force in Bosnia and Herzegovina (SFOR), and the Temporary International Presence in Hebron (TIPH). It identifies significant gaps between UN norms—such as Resolution 1325—and field realities, highlighting issues like increased prostitution in Eritrea, the failure to treat sexual violence as a security threat in Bosnia, and the need for gender-sensitive training in Hebron. The authors argue that gender mainstreaming is often treated as a 'soft' issue rather than a rational security necessity and recommend that Norway lead efforts in creating gender-aware recruitment databases and a Nordic-Canadian lobby to promote these goals within the UN system.

The report assesses Norway's peacebuilding efforts across nine recipient countries, analyzing the integration of development and peacebuilding. It highlights the role of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MFA) and NORAD, the introduction of 'transitional assistance' to bridge the gap between humanitarian and long-term aid, and the specific instruments used in security, political, socio-economic, and reconciliation sectors. While noting successes in high-profile peace processes, the report identifies a lack of clearly defined peacebuilding goals in socio-economic projects and a need for more consistent regional perspectives and long-term sustainability in post-conflict reconstruction.

The report describes a 'conflictual peacebuilding' process in Afghanistan where the goals of the Bonn Agreement were often undermined by an ongoing war, a heavy dependence on foreign aid, and the continued influence of warlords. While it notes achievements in establishing a political arena and increasing school enrollment, it highlights critical failures in demobilization, human rights, and regional integration. The authors argue that the market-driven reconstruction model risks exacerbating regional inequalities and creating a 'rentier state' accountable to donors rather than citizens.

The report examines decentralization reforms in countries including Bolivia, Brazil, Cameroon, China, India, Indonesia, Mali, Mexico, Mongolia, Nicaragua, Senegal, South Africa, Thailand, Uganda, and Zimbabwe. It finds that most reforms fail to establish the necessary institutional infrastructure for democratic decentralization, often resulting in privatization or deconcentration instead. The author argues that for decentralization to be equitable and efficient, powers must be transferred to elected local governments that are accountable to the local population, rather than to customary authorities or NGOs. The report highlights that central governments frequently resist genuine power transfers by using 'capacity' arguments as an excuse to retain control over lucrative resources. It recommends shifting from complex management planning to a system of minimum environmental standards and sequencing power transfers to prioritize political and allocative decisions over technical ones.

The document examines the industrial offset mechanisms used to mitigate the costs of South Africa's $3.9 billion Strategic Defence Package (SDP). It details the regulatory frameworks of the NIPP and DIP, the specific obligations signed with international contractors, and the progress made in generating economic credits through local investment, technology transfer, and export promotion as of March 2003.

The document examines the transition from formal peace to social peace in Angola, focusing on the DD&R of UNITA and FAA combatants. It highlights the critical link between the reintegration of ex-soldiers and the resettlement of millions of internally displaced persons (IDPs), arguing that sustainable peace requires a community-based approach to avoid local conflict. The authors analyze the failures of the Bicesse and Lusaka processes—citing rigid timetables, insufficient resources, and poor reintegration planning—and evaluate the 2002 'Memorandum of Understanding' and the subsequent General Demobilisation and Reintegration Programme (PGDR). Key challenges identified include the proliferation of small arms among civilians, the lack of sustainable livelihoods in rural areas, and the institutional weakness of coordinating agencies like IRSEM.

The document examines the evolution of India's power sector, highlighting the transition from state-run electricity boards (SEBs) to a restructured model involving independent power producers (IPPs) and privatization. It details the 'Orissa Model' promoted by the World Bank, the failures of the 1991 IPP policy, and the subsequent scaling of restructuring to other states like Andhra Pradesh. The authors argue that political expediency and financial crises often overrode social and environmental goals, leading to institutional 'lock-ins' such as agricultural subsidies and expensive long-term power purchase agreements.

The document analyzes Ghana's power sector reform, which was primarily triggered by World Bank conditionality for a thermal power project and a need to address power shortages caused by droughts. The Government of Ghana (GOG) opted for a competitive model involving the unbundling of the Volta River Authority (VRA) into strategic business units to attract private investment and reduce sovereign guarantee liabilities. The reform established two regulatory bodies: the Public Utilities Regulatory Commission (PURC) for tariff setting and the Energy Commission (EC) for licensing. While social goals like universal access by 2020 were integrated, the paper notes that environmental concerns were largely a 'spin-off' of other measures like Demand Side Management (DSM) and Embedded Generation Facilities (EGF).

The document describes a project to evaluate climate change mitigation policies and measures (PAM) in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) using a specific framework of six criteria: environmental outcomes, economic/social outcomes, technical outcomes, institution building potential, project sustainability, and dissemination/replication potential. Applying these criteria to case studies in Bulgaria, the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland, Romania, and Slovenia revealed that while quantitative project data is accessible, qualitative factors like institutional development are harder to measure but critical for scaling. Findings varied by country, highlighting the effectiveness of small-scale municipal energy efficiency in Bulgaria, the limitations of planned transport measures in the Czech Republic, and the role of soft financing in Hungary and Poland to overcome economic barriers to renewables and efficiency.

The document analyzes Peru's public spending on climate change adaptation and mitigation (AMACC), finding a significant decline in funding by 2021 and a lack of alignment between budget allocation and the country's Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs). It highlights a heavy bias toward adaptation—specifically grey infrastructure for water—and a lack of territorial prioritization, where funds are often allocated to regions that do not experience the highest levels of environmental degradation.