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The report analyzes data from 4,293 surveys of oil and gas facilities to determine the economic viability of LDAR programs. It finds that while many individual facilities may experience a net cost, the aggregate abatement cost for gas plants and compressor stations is negative (net benefit), and remains very low for well sites. The study concludes that the vast majority of leaks are economic to repair once identified, and that increasing survey frequency further reduces emissions while keeping abatement costs relatively low.

The report analyzes data from 4,293 surveys to determine the economic viability of LDAR programs. It finds that while many individual facilities may face a net cost for a survey, the aggregate effect across a group of facilities is positive due to the high value of repairing major leaks. The study concludes that LDAR using IR cameras is a low-cost abatement method for methane and VOCs, with the most economic strategy being to repair almost all identified leaks.

Transparencia Mexicana analysed 150 Project Design Documents (PDDs) for CDM projects in Mexico as of June 2012 to evaluate the integrity of public consultation processes. The study found that a lack of regulation allows project developers full discretion over consultation design, leading to poor reporting of results and minimal recording of public requests for mitigation or compensation. The authors argue that current guidelines are insufficient and recommend reforming the CDM consultation process to better facilitate interactions between diverse stakeholders, including local communities, academics, and specialized public authorities, to prevent manipulation and exploitation.

The report assesses the impact of the EU ETS on three energy-intensive sectors in Austria: paper and pulp, cement, and iron and steel. It finds no compelling evidence that the EU ETS has already caused significant competitiveness or leakage issues, though future impacts are expected as free allowances decrease. The study evaluates various SAAMs, concluding that only standards and labels could significantly mitigate these risks, while recommending joint international RDD&D and 'Made under the EU ETS' labels as viable paths forward.

The document examines how trade liberalization in Latin America has affected men and women differently, focusing on the 'feminization' of precarious jobs in non-traditional agro-exports and the urban labour market. It highlights a mismatch between available skills and market demand, leading to higher unemployment and underemployment for women. While some women gained bargaining power through new income sources, the overall impact on gender equity remains inconclusive due to data gaps and the overlapping effects of broader macroeconomic reforms.

The report analyzes how sustainability knowledge—comprising both substantive technical data and process-oriented expertise—influences public policy. Through six case studies, it identifies that policy impact is not linear but occurs through instrumental, interactive, political, and enlightenment models. Key success factors include the presence of high-level political 'champions', the use of stakeholder engagement to build legitimacy, and the development of long-term trust between knowledge providers and policy users. The document concludes with ten general suggestions for researchers to enhance their policy relevance, emphasizing the need to balance independent research with user-led collaboration and to communicate findings in accessible, timely formats.

The document presents a portfolio of 2008 research by Climate Strategies, focusing on the EU ETS, the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM), and G8 climate opportunities. Key analyses include the risks of carbon leakage in industrial sectors, the underperformance of CDM projects in terms of certified emission reductions, and the economic rationale for transitioning from free allowance allocation to auctioning in the EU ETS. It also includes the Eliasch Review on financing global forests and a study on the development of mandatory emissions trading in Japan.

The research finds that the location of natural resources relative to the conflict zone is critical to determining conflict severity. Gemstone mining and hydrocarbon production within a conflict zone are strongly associated with higher total combat deaths, with secessionist conflicts in hydrocarbon-rich regions being the most severe. Conversely, drug cultivation in the conflict zone and hydrocarbon production located outside the conflict zone are associated with lower combat deaths and reduced conflict intensity. The study concludes that resources influence severity by altering the incentives and organizational structures of both rebel groups and the state.

The report finds that CDM projects frequently underperform, with only 76% of forecasted CERs actually issued by June 2007. This underperformance is attributed to overestimations by consultants and validators, as well as implementation and monitoring difficulties. Waste projects are the worst performers, while N2O projects often exceed expectations. The study identifies additionality demonstration as the primary cause of project rejection, particularly for large-scale projects and cement blending activities in India and Brazil. Bilateral projects, especially those with European participants, show higher CER issuance rates than unilateral projects. The report also highlights deficiencies in stakeholder consultation and the lack of quantifiable indicators for sustainable development in host countries like China, India, and Brazil.

The study finds that CDM projects generally overestimate their emission reduction potential, with actual CER issuance reaching only 76% of the amount predicted at registration. Performance varies significantly by project type, with N2O projects over-performing (129%) and animal waste projects under-performing (28%). The analysis also indicates that in-house project development generally outperforms the use of large external consultancies, and that India showed the best host-country performance (122%) compared to China (55%) and Brazil (90%).

The research tests Samuel Huntington's 'clash of civilizations' hypothesis against a strategic theory of international terrorism using a directed country dyad sample from 1969 to 2005. The authors find that international terrorism is primarily driven by strategic logic—specifically, terror groups target foreign nationals from countries that provide economic aid, arms, or military support to the terrorists' home government. While the data shows excessive terrorism against Western targets, the authors argue this is due to the high strategic value of Western targets and Western interference in other regions, rather than an inherent civilizational clash. The study finds no evidence for a general structural break in terrorism patterns following the end of the Cold War, contradicting Huntington's predictions, although it notes an increase in lethal Islamic terrorism against the West coinciding with the invasions of Afghanistan and Iraq.

The paper analyzes nine Brazilian CDM projects, finding that forecasted CER generation typically decreases as projects move from validation to issuance due to methodology changes, lower-than-expected output, and delays. While additionality arguments are generally credible, they are sometimes weakened by the rapid spread of technology. The study also concludes that the Brazilian national stakeholder consultation process is insufficient for gathering local concerns, as fewer than 5% of projects receive comments through the standard procedure.

The paper evaluates six Chinese CDM projects (four registered and two in validation) to assess how they perform against their initial designs. It finds that forecasted Certified Emission Reductions (CERs) fluctuate significantly as projects progress, often due to new standardised baseline information from China's Designated National Authority (DNA) and technological barriers. All sampled projects claim investment barriers, but only half provide a complete investment analysis. The study also notes a lack of standardised stakeholder consultation procedures in China, with written surveys being the most common method. While projects often align with stakeholder expectations regarding local employment, sustainability benefits are not described quantitatively in the Project Design Documents (PDDs).

The analysis of 23 Indian CDM projects reveals a consistent gap between optimistic initial forecasts and actual CER issuance, with an average reduction of 23.1% in forecasted CERs till 2012. The study finds that additionality argumentation is often poor, frequently lacking independent evidence and relying on unconvincing investment barriers. Furthermore, stakeholder consultation processes are often superficial, frequently conflating general regulatory permits with CDM-specific engagement, and the delivery of sustainability benefits remains largely unquantified and insufficiently monitored.

The document examines the 'CER yield' of CDM projects, finding significant underperformance and variation based on project type, size, and developer. It identifies mis-calculation and implementation delays as the primary drivers of failure, while noting that bilateral projects generally outperform unilateral ones.

The document explores the tension between formal 'due process' and substantive justice, arguing that criminal law is often a tool for political and economic power rather than a neutral instrument. It contrasts consensus-functionalist and radical-conflict paradigms of law and evaluates the impact of colonial legacies on the current state of criminal justice in Africa, where corruption and repression remain prevalent.

The research argues that nonviolent tactics are relatively more effective only when a movement can mobilize a sufficiently large number of participants, creating a 'mobilization advantage'. Conversely, movements with limited audiences or resources—such as ethnic secessionists or those based in rural peripheries—often find violent tactics more feasible. Using data from NAVCO 2.0, UCDP, and SRDP, the authors demonstrate that nonviolent campaigns typically have much higher participation rates and are more frequent in urbanized non-democracies, while violent conflicts are more common in rural areas and among smaller, territorially focused groups.

The research examines why self-determination groups adopt different strategies to achieve greater self-rule. By analyzing 146 groups across 77 states from 1960 to 2005, the author finds that while some factors like economic discrimination and independence demands increase the likelihood of both non-violent and violent irregular politics, others—such as group size and internal fragmentation—differentially drive groups toward either civil war or non-violent campaigns.

The paper introduces the Triple Dividend of Resilience (TDR) framework, which categorizes adaptation benefits into avoided losses (first dividend), induced economic/development benefits (second dividend), and social/environmental benefits (third dividend). It finds that the second and third dividends often exceed the value of avoided losses and can result in benefit-cost ratios greater than 1 independently of whether a disaster occurs. The author argues that fully quantifying these dividends can help mobilize public and private finance and suggests five strategies to standardize TDR analysis, including growing the evidence base and improving data collection.