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The report analyzes fossil fuel marketing in Asia, identifying two primary strategies: incentivizing increased fuel consumption through loyalty programs and prizes, and 'purpose-washing' to shift climate responsibility onto individuals or project a sustainable image. It notes a gap between Asian consumers' sustainable intent and action, partly due to misleading marketing, while highlighting a trend toward mandatory climate disclosures in countries like India, Japan, South Korea, Hong Kong, and Singapore.

The report argues that nature-based solutions (NbS) and carbon offsetting schemes often serve as a facade for corporate polluters to continue emitting while facilitating land grabbing and violating human rights. It provides numerous case studies across Africa, Asia-Pacific, Europe, and the Americas, highlighting systemic issues such as inflated carbon baselines, lack of free, prior, and informed consent (FPIC), and the failure of projects to deliver promised climate or social benefits. The document specifically critiques REDD+ projects, industrial tree plantations, and soil carbon programs for their lack of 'additionality' and their role in undermining food sovereignty and indigenous land rights.

The document argues that nature-based solutions (NBS) and carbon offsets often serve as a distraction for 'Big Polluters' to continue emitting while facilitating land grabs and violating Indigenous rights. It provides detailed evidence of inflated carbon baselines, lack of additionality, and social harms across Africa, Asia Pacific, Europe, Latin America, and North America. Key examples include REDD+ projects in Zimbabwe and Gabon that overestimated carbon savings, and soil carbon initiatives in the US and Kenya that threaten food sovereignty and traditional livelihoods. The report also critiques improved cookstove offsets for using flawed accounting to generate 'fake emission cuts'.

The document examines decentralisation across five Eastern African countries, highlighting a recurring gap between formal policy and actual practice. While Rwanda is noted for significant achievements in inclusion and service delivery through strong political commitment, other countries like Ethiopia, Kenya, Sudan, and Uganda struggle with elite capture, central government interference, and financial constraints. The report argues that decentralisation often serves as a tool for political control or patronage rather than genuine local empowerment, and recommends deepening participatory democracy and strengthening the capacity of local leaders.

Global Witness reports that at least 177 land and environmental defenders were murdered in 2022, with Latin America accounting for 88% of these cases. The report highlights the extreme danger faced by Indigenous peoples, who represented 36% of those killed, and identifies the Amazon as a critical hotspot where 22% of global killings occurred. It specifically examines the role of illegal gold mining in Brazil, Venezuela, and Peru, and the impact of the 'green transition' mineral boom in Southeast Asia. The document argues that impunity for these crimes is systemic and calls for stronger corporate accountability, specifically through the EU's Corporate Sustainability Due Diligence Directive.

In 2022, Global Witness documented at least 177 killings of land and environmental defenders, with 88% occurring in Latin America. Colombia, Brazil, and Mexico accounted for over 70% of these deaths. The report highlights a critical situation in the Amazon, where 22% of global killings occurred, often linked to illegal mining and agroindustry. It also details the 'criminalization' of activists as a non-lethal strategy to silence dissent. The document advocates for the EU's proposed Corporate Sustainability Due Diligence Directive to hold companies accountable for human rights and environmental abuses in their global supply chains.

The report identifies ten key components of a strong ESIA legal framework and evaluates their application in three jurisdictions. California is highlighted for its rigorous environmental review and climate change integration, Kazakhstan for its recent legislative updates aligned with EU standards, and Queensland for its comprehensive framework and use of internal audits to address rehabilitation liabilities and corruption risks.

The document outlines best practices for integrating public engagement into the entire mine life cycle, from exploration to closure. It emphasizes the use of grievance mechanisms, multistakeholder oversight, and participatory monitoring to build trust. It specifically highlights the necessity of Free, Prior, and Informed Consent (FPIC) for Indigenous Peoples, providing case studies from British Columbia, Canada, and Peru to illustrate the implementation of consent-based decision-making and community-led environmental monitoring.

The document analyzes the closure of the Golden Pride gold mine (1998–2013) in Tanzania, highlighting the use of Participatory Rural Appraisal (PRA) and progressive reclamation to transition the site into a productive post-mining landscape. Key outcomes include the transformation of the open pit into a community water reservoir and the conversion of site infrastructure into a training center for the Institute of Mineral Resources. While the reclamation of Miombo forests was successful, the document notes ongoing challenges with illegal artisanal mining and the need for adaptable land-use planning.

The document outlines strategies for implementing decentralized solar power plants in India's agriculture sector via the PM-KUSUM scheme. It addresses the distinct objectives of Component A (farmer income) and Component C (feeder-level solarization), while analyzing the water-energy-food nexus to prevent groundwater depletion. Key recommendations include reducing investment risks through 'deemed generation clauses', utilizing 'land banks' to facilitate developer-landowner interactions, and refining tariff calculations to reflect the higher O&M costs of small-scale plants. The guide also highlights the 'Paani Bachao Paisa Kamao' (PBPK) scheme in Punjab as a model for using direct cash incentives to encourage water conservation and discusses the potential of agrivoltaics to balance food and energy production.

The report examines Odysee, a video-hosting platform built on the LBRY protocol, as a case study for how blockchain technology enables the monetisation of far-right and conspiracy-related content. It identifies specific 'incentivised' affordances—such as LBRY Credits (LBC), rewards for activity, and tipping—that attract actors who have been demonetised on mainstream platforms. Through qualitative and financial analysis, the study finds that while the platform is not exclusively far-right, it serves as a 'safe haven' where established extreme-right figures can maintain their reach and generate income, though earnings are highly volatile due to the fluctuating price of LBC. The report argues that Odysee's claim of being 'censorship-resistant' is a fallacy, as the operators use geoblocking and delisting to manage content, and suggests that regulatory frameworks like the EU Digital Services Act should account for the specific risks of 'incentivised' business models and gamification.

The document identifies technological, ethical, legal, and fragmentation barriers that inhibit public interest research on smaller and medium-sized platforms. It argues that current regulatory frameworks, such as the EU's Digital Services Act, primarily target very large platforms, leaving a gap in oversight for smaller platforms that may still pose significant risks. The author provides recommendations for platforms to standardize data access, for policy-makers to introduce legal 'safe harbours' for researchers, and for the research community to collaborate on tools and ethical frameworks.

The report identifies significant obstacles to conducting public interest research on platforms like Telegram, Discord, and Odysee, noting that technological choices, unclear Terms of Service (TOS), and the designation of large groups as 'private' inhibit the systematic monitoring of extremist activity. Through case studies, the authors found that German-language far-right groups on Telegram, English-language religious extremists on Discord, and French-language neo-fascists on Odysee use these platforms to spread hate speech, anti-democratic ideologies, and calls for violence. The report argues that current regulatory frameworks, such as the EU's Digital Services Act, often rely on user-base thresholds that exclude these medium- and small-sized platforms, leaving a gap in oversight and research access.

The report examines the use of PeerTube, a decentralized video platform, by far-right and conspiracy movements in Germany. It finds that while these actors occupy a small fraction of the Fediverse, they exploit its decentralized structure to avoid the moderation and legal requirements of centralized platforms. Through network analysis and case studies, the report demonstrates that PeerTube often serves as a back-up for 'deplatforming' and that success on the platform is heavily dependent on pre-existing audience popularity. The authors argue that state regulation is limited by the software's nature and suggest community-led moderation and isolation of extremist instances as more effective responses.

The document argues that climate change and conflict are mutually reinforcing, and that adaptation planning can break this cycle if it is conflict-sensitive. It outlines six enabling factors—leadership, data, finance, institutional arrangements, stakeholder engagement, and capacity building—necessary for successful NAPs in fragile states. The guide provides a detailed framework for integrating conflict analysis into the three main phases of the NAP process: planning, implementation, and monitoring, evaluation, and learning (MEL).

The document examines the intersection of disruptive technologies and the 'total defence' concept, focusing on Norway. It argues that the rise of dual-use technologies and hybrid warfare necessitates a re-evaluation of civil-military relations and societal resilience. The authors introduce a framework consisting of temporality, performativity, and imagination to guide policy and operational adaptation. The report highlights lessons from the war in Ukraine, such as the role of commercial tech giants and the vulnerability of critical energy infrastructure, and recommends increased civil-military R&D and improved digital literacy to enhance national security.

The report examines climate misinformation following extreme weather events in Latin America, focusing on case studies in Brazil, Chile, and Peru. It finds that the high visibility, multi-causal nature, and emotional impact of these events make them ideal for actors to sow confusion, assign blame to scapegoats, and advance political agendas. In Brazil, a cyclone led to false claims about 'burst dams' to attack political opponents. In Chile, wildfires were framed as 'terrorist' arson to distract from a 14-year mega-drought. In Peru, Cyclone Yaku was falsely attributed to the HAARP project. The report concludes that these narratives often amplify existing political polarizations and rely on the misattribution of causes to hinder climate adaptation and mitigation efforts.

The document examines the challenges and opportunities for establishing green jobs in Latin America and the Caribbean, particularly in rural areas affected by COVID-19. It highlights a significant gap between 'environmental jobs' and 'green jobs' due to high informality and the lack of decent work standards. Through case studies in Colombia (bioeconomy and nature tourism in Guaviare) and Chile (agroecology in La Serena), the brief argues for a territorial approach that combines public policy with community-led initiatives to foster resilience and a just transition. It concludes with recommendations for governments to institutionalize green job definitions, improve statistical tracking, and provide targeted financial and technical support to vulnerable populations, including women and youth.

The document analyzes the vulnerabilities of rural indigenous populations in Mexico and Colombia, specifically regarding health, food security, and economic stability during the COVID-19 pandemic. It details two pilot projects—one in the Sierra Norte de Puebla (Mexico) focusing on productive strengthening and community savings, and another in the Resguardo El Refugio (Colombia) focusing on ancestral knowledge and youth entrepreneurship. The brief argues that resilience is best achieved through decentralized decision-making, intersectional policy design, and the integration of youth and women into leadership roles.

The document examines the potential for creating approximately 15 million green jobs in Latin America and the Caribbean by 2030, particularly in the energy, forestry, transport, and ecosystem restoration sectors. It highlights the challenge of high labor informality, which hinders the establishment of 'decent' green employment. Through case studies in Colombia (Amazonian bioeconomy and tourism) and Chile (agroecology in Coquimbo), the brief argues for the need to institutionalize green job definitions, improve statistical data, and provide targeted financial and technical support to rural organizations and women entrepreneurs to ensure a just transition.