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The report examines the institutional linkages between gender, water, and climate change in Uganda, noting that while climate change and population growth threaten water security, women face disproportionate impacts due to limited resource access. It finds that Uganda is demonstrating leadership in mainstreaming gender and climate considerations within its water management policy and institutional systems.

The report evaluates 22 options to make the international trade system more supportive of climate action, categorising them into general WTO reforms, border carbon adjustments (BCAs), and fossil fuel subsidy reforms. It concludes that legal changes at the WTO are currently unfeasible due to geopolitical tensions and the requirement for consensus. Instead, it identifies 'low-hanging fruit' such as procedural changes, including the integration of climate expertise into dispute panels and enhanced coordination between the WTO and UNFCCC. The report also highlights the role of regional trade agreements (RTAs) and plurilateral initiatives, like the Environmental Goods Agreement (EGA), as more viable paths for like-minded countries to advance climate objectives.

The report concludes that RCEP negotiations have failed transparency and public participation tests, operating largely in secret while granting privileged access to business lobby groups. It examines the specific failures of participating nations—including Australia, India, Japan, South Korea, China, Philippines, Indonesia, and Malaysia—highlighting the exclusion of parliaments and civil society. The document warns that this secrecy facilitates corporate influence over intellectual property, investment rules, and public services, and recommends a shift toward a democratic, participatory policy-making process.

The document examines Uganda's efforts to integrate gender and climate change considerations into its water sector. It finds that while significant progress has been made in gender-responsive budgeting and women's representation on local water committees, implementation remains weak due to a lack of technical capacity and the persistence of customary gender stereotypes. The link between water and climate change is well-institutionalized, but the intersection of gender and climate change is described as virtually non-existent in terms of funding and representation. The report emphasizes that women's limited land ownership and literacy levels continue to obstruct their effective participation in water management decision-making.

The report argues that redirecting kerosene subsidies toward pico PV solar products can provide a cleaner, cost-effective lighting alternative for marginalized Indian households. It identifies a robust market of internationally verified products and diverse B2C business models, particularly those leveraging microfinance institutions (MFIs). While the swap is technically feasible, the report notes challenges such as the use of kerosene for cooking in Odisha and the prevalence of substandard, unverified products in Uttar Pradesh.

The 31st AU summit introduced unprecedented budget scrutiny, reducing the 2019 budget by 12% to US$681 million through 'golden rules' of sustainability and predictability. While the AfCFTA saw five new signatories, ratification remains below the 22-country threshold required for implementation. Institutional reforms continue, including the proposed shift to merit-based appointments for the AU Commission and the integration of NEPAD and APRM into the AU core. Additionally, the report highlights an escalating armed conflict in Cameroon's anglophone regions and lists various Peace and Security Council (PSC) decisions from April to June 2018, including a new focus on the nexus between climate change and security.

The document evaluates women's empowerment in BRICS countries using World Economic Forum criteria, highlighting significant disparities in political representation, economic opportunity, and health. It argues against treating gender as a standalone issue, suggesting instead that the BRICS Gender and Women’s Forum should mainstream gender perspectives into the bloc's core agendas, including technological disruption, UN-aligned peacekeeping, and vaccine research platforms.

The document examines Kenya's strategic shift toward an integrated Blue Economy, encompassing maritime sectors and inland water bodies. While highlighting growth in port capacity and aquaculture, it identifies critical risks including illegal fishing, environmental degradation from large infrastructure projects, and social exclusion. The author emphasizes the need for better coordination between government ministries and inclusive national dialogue to ensure sustainable development.

The document analyzes Zimbabwe's transition following the ousting of Robert Mugabe, focusing on the 2018 general elections. It argues that while Emmerson Mnangagwa and ZANU-PF are likely to win, the legitimacy of the process is crucial for unlocking foreign investment and implementing economic reforms. The author suggests a 'pragmatic' economic approach, citing Cote d'Ivoire as a positive model for recovery through IMF engagement and market-friendly policies, while warning against the political instability seen in Egypt. Key priorities identified include addressing the $9 billion debt, stabilizing the currency, and re-engaging with Western partners and the IMF.

The document assesses Colombia's vulnerability as the world's fourth largest thermal coal exporter facing declining global demand. It highlights significant risks to regional GDP and employment in the Cesar and La Guajira departments, where coal is a dominant economic driver. The brief notes a lack of domestic planning for post-coal scenarios and evaluates alternatives such as agriculture and tourism, while recommending coordinated long-term planning involving national institutions like the DNP and UPME to ensure a just transition.

The Climate Bonds Initiative evaluates the JPY10bn green bond issued by Nippon Yusen Kaisha (NYK) on 24 May 2018. While the bond is included in the Climate Bonds database because LNG-fuelled ships are currently the lowest-emission option for long-haul shipping, the briefing argues that switching to LNG is insufficient for long-term climate goals. LNG-fuelled ships reduce total GHG emissions by only 15-21% and CO2 by 30% compared to heavy fuel oil ships, failing to meet the IMO's 2030 target of a 40% cut in GHG emission intensity. The document highlights the risk of 'lock in' to fossil fuels, as these vessels will operate into the 2030s, potentially delaying the transition to commercially viable renewable fuels like ammonia and hydrogen. It also emphasizes the necessity of controlling methane leakage to prevent LNG from having a worse GHG profile than traditional fuels.

The G7 Fossil Fuel Subsidy Scorecard reveals that G7 governments continue to provide substantial financial support to fossil fuels despite commitments to phase them out by 2025. Analysis shows that in 2015 and 2016, G7 nations provided at least USD 100 billion annually in subsidies and public finance, failing to implement mechanisms to document the full extent of this support or ensure accountability.

The report evaluates the South African legal framework for wild animal welfare, highlighting a critical divide between biodiversity conservation (managed by the Department of Environmental Affairs) and animal welfare (managed by the Department of Agriculture, Forestry and Fisheries). It finds that the primary welfare statute, the Animals Protection Act of 1962, is outdated and contains loopholes—specifically the use of the term "unnecessary"—that dilute protection. The report identifies significant failures in the permitting system, noting that provincial authorities often ignore national TOPS regulations and omit welfare conditions from permits. It concludes with recommendations for a standardized national electronic permit database, increased enforcement capacity, and the integration of welfare mandates across environmental and agricultural departments.

The report identifies that the production of basic materials accounted for approximately 25% of global CO2 emissions in 2014, yet progress in decarbonisation has been modest due to carbon leakage concerns and limited political support for resource efficiency. It proposes a portfolio of seven mitigation options, ranging from sharing and reuse to low-carbon production processes. To unlock these, the authors identify three primary policy gaps: incomplete incentives for recycling, a lack of markets for climate-friendly options, and missing signals for phasing out carbon-intensive production. Recommended solutions include project-based carbon contracts for difference (CfDs), Green Public Procurement (GPP), and the introduction of consumption charges on carbon-intensive materials to reinstate carbon price signals muted by free allowance allocations in the EU ETS.

The document examines the AfCFTA, an agreement aiming to create a single market for goods, services, and investment across 55 African countries. It highlights potential gains such as a 52% increase in intra-African trade and a 4% rise in total exports, while identifying significant hurdles including poor infrastructure, non-tariff barriers, and varying levels of political commitment. The paper specifically discusses the tensions between larger economies and less-developed countries (LDCs) regarding tariff liberalisation and special and differential treatment, as well as the complexities of overlapping memberships in Regional Economic Communities (RECs). It concludes that the success of the AfCFTA depends on domestic implementation and the ability of AU members to align national interests with continental goals.

The paper examines Tanzania's electrification challenges, noting that only 32.8% of the population had electricity access in 2016. It critiques the proposed $3.6 billion Stiegler's Gorge hydroelectric dam, arguing that its benefits are outweighed by risks to the Selous World Heritage Site and downstream livelihoods in the Lower Rufiji. The author suggests that Tanzania should leapfrog traditional centralized infrastructure in favor of a combination of large-scale and micro-scale solar and wind power to achieve inclusive development without causing significant biodiversity loss.

The EU–SADC EPA, effective October 2016, provides tariff preferences for South Africa and other SADC members, with higher benefits for processed goods. Despite this, South Africa has underutilised its quotas for several processed fruit products due to a lack of awareness, sanitary and phytosanitary (SPS) issues, and drought. The document highlights the potential for growth in the canned fruit and juice sectors, noting that while large companies dominate, there are opportunities for SMEs if barriers such as the lack of local testing laboratories and changing EU consumer preferences (e.g., reduced sugar) are addressed. It recommends establishing information portals, improving SPS capacity, and providing technical assistance for niche markets like nuts to better integrate small-scale producers into the EU value chain.

The document examines how South Africa and Lesotho can leverage the SADC EPA to increase agro-processing exports to the EU. While South Africa has established capacity but struggles with quota uptake and SME integration, Lesotho starts from a 'near zero base' with significant infrastructure and standards gaps. The paper emphasizes the need for regional value chains and targeted EU development support to assist SMEs, women, and youth.

The document examines the 'jurisdictional approach' (JA)—a comprehensive, government-led strategy for forest and land-use governance across defined political territories. It argues that subnational jurisdictions (states, provinces, districts) are critical for scaling emissions reductions because they are closer to land users and possess the authority to shape land-use decisions. Through case studies in Brazil, Indonesia, Malaysia, Peru, and Mexico, the paper highlights that while JA fosters multi-stakeholder collaboration and policy innovation, it is frequently hampered by political turnover, limited public sector capacity, and a lack of tangible financial incentives. The authors conclude that JA is not a 'silver bullet' but a necessary recognition of the role of multi-level government in protecting forests and enhancing livelihoods.

Paula Caballero of the World Resources Institute states that while negotiators maintained a good pace in Bonn, significant work remains before COP24 in Katowice. She identifies three critical success factors for the upcoming summit: finalizing Paris Agreement implementation guidelines, committing to strengthened national climate plans by 2020, and increasing support for developing countries.