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The document examines South Africa's role within the BRICS grouping, highlighting its potential to influence global governance and promote African developmental interests, such as the North-South infrastructure corridor. It notes that while BRICS provides a platform for emerging powers to address issues like climate change and the restructuring of international institutions, internal differences and the challenge of representing the broader African region may constrain its influence. Additionally, the author suggests South Africa can use the forum to attract investment and reduce business barriers, provided it improves its own domestic business environment.

Minister Rob Davies outlines South Africa's trade strategy, emphasizing the use of tariffs as a tool for industrial policy and the pursuit of regional integration through the Tripartite FTA. He expresses skepticism regarding the 2011 window for the WTO Doha Round, arguing that the 2008 text is unbalanced and fails to address agricultural distortions or the needs of emerging economies. The Minister also highlights the importance of strengthening ties with BRICS nations to move beyond exporting primary products toward mineral beneficiation and industrialization.

The report details a policy dialogue focused on the shifting dynamics of Africa's external relations as emerging powers—specifically China, India, and Brazil—increase their presence. It argues that Europe no longer holds a privileged position and suggests that African-led 'triangular' cooperation involving traditional donors and emerging economies could enhance development effectiveness. Key discussions centered on reconciling commercial interests with altruistic values, the need for African ownership of development strategies, and the potential for mutual learning, such as the EU sharing anti-corruption experiences while learning from China's commercial engagement models.

The author argues that the political crisis in Côte d’Ivoire exhibits characteristics of 'warlordism,' a pattern of violent political entrepreneurship previously seen in Liberia and Sierra Leone. This pattern is defined by the recruitment of informal militias, the use of mystical or religious discourse to mobilize frustrated youth, the exploitation of historical communal grievances, and connections to illicit international business networks. The document warns that President Laurent Gbagbo is increasingly adopting these warlord characteristics, utilizing state institutions while simultaneously undermining them, which increases the risk of a protracted civil war similar to those in neighboring states.

The document examines the trend of trade protectionism following the Great Recession, specifically focusing on government subsidies and bail-outs. It argues that while subsidies are not inherently illegal under WTO rules, South Africa's specific rescue packages—administered through the Industrial Development Corporation (IDC)—may constitute 'actionable subsidies' under the Agreement on Subsidies and Countervailing Measures (ASCM) because they provide preferential financial benefits to specific enterprises. The author recommends that South Africa shift from short-term unilateral protectionism toward long-term trade facilitation and the promotion of policy space for developing countries to invest in emerging industries like green technology.

The document analyzes the AU's framework for democracy promotion, specifically its rejection of unconstitutional changes of government. It details the evolution of this principle from the Lomé Declaration of 2000 to the 2007 African Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance, and discusses the 'democrat's dilemma' where popular uprisings to remove authoritarian leaders conflict with strict constitutionalism. The author argues for more consistent application of sanctions against leaders who refuse to leave office after elections and suggests the Pan-African Parliament develop guidelines for managing civilian-led transitions to democracy.

The statement by SAIIA Chairperson Fred Phaswana discusses the role of media and military neutrality in North African uprisings and the importance of legitimate elections in Africa. It highlights South Africa's challenge in balancing energy security with climate commitments ahead of COP17 and evaluates the country's role in the UN Security Council and BRICS to ensure international engagement delivers domestic benefits.

The briefing argues that South Africa does not unilaterally control SACU revenue or deliberately hinder the growth of other member states. It clarifies that recent funding decreases for Botswana, Lesotho, Namibia, and Swaziland (BLNS) resulted from the 2008-2009 global recession rather than changes to the revenue sharing formula. The text highlights that South Africa contributes significantly more to the revenue pool than it receives, noting that in 2008/9 it contributed over ZAR45 billion but received just over ZAR21 billion. It further asserts that other SACU members, such as Namibia and Botswana, successfully attract their own investment and provide domestic industrial incentives. Finally, it frames South Africa's proposal to reform the revenue sharing formula as an effort to provide greater income stability for BLNS countries rather than an attempt to collapse the union.

The document details a 2011 workshop on South African trade policy reform. It examines the challenges of the WTO Doha Development Round, specifically the imbalance between agricultural protections in developed nations and demands for market access in services and industrial goods (NAMA). The dialogue explores services liberalization from Indian and SADC regional perspectives, emphasizing the need for regulatory frameworks to support employment. Finally, it assesses the use of Industrial Development Zones (IDZs) and Export Processing Zones (EPZs) to lower business costs and attract investment to boost South African exports.

The briefing examines South Africa's refusal to join the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative (EITI) despite the country's resource wealth and the potential for it to serve as a regional leadership model. It notes that while the South African government believes existing regulations are sufficient, the country's absence from the EITI may undermine the initiative's value for other African nations. The document also discusses the impact of the US Dodd-Frank Act's disclosure requirements for listed mining companies and suggests South Africa adopt similar legislation to improve transparency for its companies operating across the continent.

The policy brief examines how the mismanagement of oil resources, lack of transparency, and systemic corruption contributed to the breakup of Sudan. It highlights the failure of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) to resolve disputes over oil-rich border areas like Heglig and Abyei, and notes that both Northern and Southern leaders neglected local communities in oil-bearing regions. The author concludes that the perceived injustice in the distribution of oil wealth convinced Southern Sudanese that secession was the only path to fairness.

The paper argues that African development should be central to G20 objectives to enhance the forum's legitimacy and global economic rebalancing. It identifies key growth pillars for Africa—including infrastructure, private investment, human resource development, and trade—and suggests that the G20 can add value by focusing on 'beyond aid' issues. The authors recommend that the G20 establish permanent seats for Africa, create a high-level panel on sustainable infrastructure, and promote knowledge exchange platforms to share successful policy tools from emerging market economies. Case studies on South African outward FDI and Special Economic Zones (SEZs) illustrate potential pathways for diversifying investment and industrialization.

The paper examines the theoretical and empirical debate surrounding trade liberalisation in South Africa, specifically its effects on growth, employment, and poverty. It critiques common methodological tools, including partial equilibrium approaches, effective rates of protection (ERP), and computable general equilibrium (CGE) models, noting that they often rely on restrictive assumptions and fail to account for dynamic effects or institutional complexities. The author argues that the 'free trade' ideal is an unrealistic benchmark and suggests that South Africa should instead pursue a 'sensible management of trade' that creates dynamic comparative advantages and protects industrial policy space to achieve structural change and job creation.

The research paper argues that South Africa's trade protectionism creates a net negative effect on social welfare by distorting the economy through four main channels: exchange rate, input demand, purchasing power, and retaliation. It highlights that while specific industries gain, the broader economy suffers from reduced GDP, higher costs for downstream industries, and lower productivity. The author criticizes recent government industrial policies for relying on interventionist tools and 'picking winners,' suggesting instead a shift toward unilateral liberalisation, a rule-based tariff structure using the Swiss formula, and the opening of service markets.

The document analyzes the divergence in economic recovery between Western economies and emerging markets following the 2008 financial crisis. It argues that while the world avoided 1930s-style tariff wars, a new era of 'creeping protectionism' has emerged through non-tariff barriers, industrial subsidies, and regulatory standards. The author highlights a leadership vacuum in global trade governance as the US and EU adopt defensive postures, while emerging powers like China, India, and Brazil remain reactive and hampered by domestic structural weaknesses.

The document examines the tensions in France's Africa policy, noting a pattern of maintaining ties with authoritarian leaders in countries such as Chad and Gabon despite promises of reform. It highlights the specific diplomatic friction between France and South Africa over the recognition of Alassane Ouattara's presidential victory in Côte d’Ivoire, contrasting France's recognition with South Africa's call for compromise.

The policy brief argues that Uganda lacks the necessary legal frameworks and independent institutions to ensure transparency and accountability in the management of its oil revenues. While the Oil and Gas Policy of 2008 outlined institutional needs, many remain unimplemented, and the Petroleum Bill of 2010 is criticized for lacking progressive revenue collection and clear transparency guarantees. The author warns that current restrictions on information and threats to media freedom hinder public participation, recommending that oil production be delayed until a comprehensive revenue management law is enacted.

The document examines Angola's economic performance between 2002 and 2008, highlighting the risks associated with high oil intensity and the potential for 'peak oil' between 2010 and 2025. It argues that while the oil sector has a positive direct impact on the non-oil sector, a poor business climate and weak public spending effectiveness hinder broader development. The author recommends prioritizing domestic capital investment over the creation of a national wealth fund and emphasizes the need for transparent public finance management and democratic stability to ensure long-term economic sustainability.

The author analyzes the causes of popular uprisings in countries such as Egypt, Libya, Bahrain, and Iran—citing unemployment, corruption, and authoritarianism—to warn the South African government. The text argues that constitutional democracy and voting are insufficient if elected officials remain unresponsive to the needs of the electorate, noting that dissatisfaction in places like Wesselton and Ermelo over jobs and service delivery mirrors the triggers of international unrest.

The text describes a divide between the official Mining Indaba in Cape Town and the concurrent Alternative Mining Indaba. While the main event focused on investment and corporate sustainability, the alternative event highlighted systemic issues including environmental pollution in Tanzania, lack of community consultation, and the marginalization of civil society through high registration fees and restrictive questioning formats during Corporate Social Responsibility sessions.