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The paper examines marine and coastal ecosystem-based adaptation (EbA) in the Southern African Development Community (SADC) region, focusing on how these interventions can provide sustainable livelihood opportunities. It identifies a successful incremental model used in the Western Indian Ocean (WIO) region, where periodic fishery closures (PFCs) serve as an entry point to broader conservation and restoration efforts. The study highlights the role of Locally Managed Marine Areas (LMMAs) and networks like MIHARI and Mwambao in scaling these benefits. While some projects rely on large external funding, the paper argues for community-centered designs that prioritize immediate food security to ensure long-term sustainability and uptake.

The document examines the funding gap for marine and coastal ecosystem-based adaptation (EbA), specifically within the SADC region. It analyzes various financing streams—including national budgets, international bilateral and multilateral funds, philanthropy, and private capital—while highlighting the challenges of access to finance due to economic categorizations. The paper emphasizes blended finance solutions, such as blue bonds and debt-for-nature swaps, using the Seychelles as a primary case study, and discusses the emerging potential of blue carbon markets. It concludes that public funding remains the dominant source and recommends that SADC countries integrate EbA into their Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs) and establish independent trust funds to ensure long-term sustainability.

The report assesses community involvement in marine and coastal EbA within SADC countries, finding that while robust legal frameworks exist, practical implementation is often hindered by a lack of technical capacity, financial resources, and clear mechanisms for engagement. It highlights the importance of autonomous community adaptation, the disproportionate vulnerability of women, and the critical role of NGOs in bridging gaps between governments and local populations.

The report investigates the ESG performance of Chinese-led infrastructure projects across Africa and Southeast Asia, arguing that failures often stem from a combination of opaque procurement processes, weak host-country institutional capacity, and the agency of Chinese contractors. It highlights five critical areas of concern: tender and impact assessment processes, land acquisition and community displacement, debt transparency, inter-authority conflict, and long-term economic viability. Through case studies in countries such as Kenya, Cambodia, Indonesia, Zimbabwe, and Nigeria, the report demonstrates how the 'adaptive governance' of Chinese firms—adjusting standards to match weak local regulations—often leads to negative socio-environmental outcomes. It concludes that while China is developing domestic ESG frameworks, these are not consistently applied overseas, and recommends greater loan transparency and the establishment of independent ESG feasibility studies.

The report evaluates the implementation of marine and coastal ecosystem-based adaptation (EbA) across SADC member states, highlighting the critical role of ecosystems like mangroves and coral reefs in protecting vulnerable coastal populations. It identifies a significant gap between the potential of EbA and its integration into national climate policies and Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs). While showcasing successful regional examples—such as Madagascar's community-led mangrove projects and Seychelles' innovative blue bonds—the document notes systemic challenges including overlapping ministerial mandates, limited local government capacity, and a lack of bankable project proposals for international climate finance. It recommends mainstreaming EbA into 2025 NDC revisions and strengthening regional cooperation to scale up nature-based solutions.

The document analyzes the demographic divergence between China, whose population is declining and ageing, and Africa, whose population is growing. It highlights that China has integrated demographic change into its long-term development planning since the 1980s, positioning its companies to seek growth in Africa. The author suggests that China's model of managing the interaction between economic and demographic change serves as a useful reference for African economies, which largely remain low or lower-middle income.

The document argues that Indigenous and local knowledge holders have been historically marginalised in South African ocean governance and proposes a framework for their inclusion in marine spatial planning. Key recommendations include the early co-development of marine area plans, increasing transparency through two-way communication, improving the accessibility of socio-cultural data in decision tools, and designating specific coastal zones for cultural practices. It specifically suggests strengthening the legal and institutional links between the Marine Spatial Planning Act and the Indigenous Knowledge Act by involving the National Indigenous Knowledge Systems Office in national working groups.

President Sauli Niinistö emphasizes that the world is facing a series of interlocking crises—including climate change, food insecurity, and the war in Ukraine—that cannot be solved by any single nation. He highlights the disproportionate impact of climate change on African countries and commits Finland to increasing international climate finance for developing nations. Niinistö also discusses Finland's decision to join NATO as a security measure in response to Russian aggression in Ukraine, while advocating for a just peace for Ukraine and the importance of African leadership in global governance.

The document advocates for the African Union's membership in the G20, noting that the current structure excludes 96% of Africa's population. It highlights the G20's role in global economic governance and its achievements in tax transparency, food security, debt reduction, and female workforce participation as reasons why the platform's reach should be expanded for ethical reasons.

The resurgence of the M23 rebel movement since late 2021 has displaced 600,000 people and heightened tensions between the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) and Rwanda. The author argues that current regional efforts—including the East African Community (EAC) Regional Force, the Nairobi Process, and the Luanda Process—are insufficient because they treat symptoms rather than the root causes of instability. The paper recommends a high-level regional political process led by the AU and UN to address long-term drivers of conflict and rebuild trust between the DRC, Rwanda, Uganda, and Burundi.

The paper analyzes the growth of civic tech in southern Africa, identifying a strong concentration of initiatives in South Africa and a primary focus on democracy and governance. It explores two diverging pathways: civic tech as a government partner or as an independent, community-driven tool for development. The authors highlight significant barriers, including the digital divide, funding instability, and adversarial relationships between governments and tech innovators, while recommending sustainable funding models and increased digital literacy for public officials.

The document analyzes the economic relationship between South Africa and the BRICS nations, noting that while trade has grown, it remains unbalanced and dominated by raw material exports to China. It identifies three primary 'enablers' for deepening these ties: the African Continental Free Trade Agreement (AfCFTA), the shift in global manufacturing due to US-China rivalry (including 'friend-shoring' and 'Chexit'), and the potential expansion of BRICS membership. The author recommends that South Africa use its 2023 BRICS chairship to promote Special Economic Zones (SEZs) and business-to-business engagements to attract diversified investment into Africa.

The document argues that BRICS failed to harness the COVID-19 pandemic as an opportunity for collective health diplomacy, instead relying on bilateral arrangements and national interests. Despite declarations of cooperation, there were no 'all-BRICS' partnerships for vaccine development, and the bloc experienced significant discord over the transparency and approval of vaccines like Russia's Sputnik V and India's Covaxin. The author highlights a lack of a dedicated BRICS health institution and recommends the creation of a collaborative think tank, a joint research centre, and a formal pandemic intervention protocol to move from 'vaccine nationalism' toward effective science diplomacy and technology transfer.

The research paper examines the role of climate change literacy in Africa, highlighting a significant gap in public understanding of the human causes of climate change despite high perceptions of its impacts. It argues that increasing literacy—particularly for women and vulnerable populations—is essential for informed adaptation decisions, reducing vulnerability, and achieving the UN 2030 Sustainable Development Goals. The paper emphasizes the need for localized climate data, early warning systems, and the integration of climate literacy into education and policy to manage risks such as climate-forced migration and economic disruptions in sectors like hydropower.

The African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM) was established in 2003 to promote good governance through peer reviews and National Programmes of Action. While it has expanded to 43 member states and seen a leadership-driven turnaround under CEO Prof Eddy Maloka since 2016, the mechanism faces challenges including slow throughput, delayed publication of reports, and a lack of progress in governance outcomes. Data from the Ibrahim Index of African Governance and Afrobarometer suggest that governance on the continent has remained steady or declined despite the APRM's efforts.

The document examines the constraints of the current international finance architecture for Africa, noting that between 2016 and 2020, the continent received only $19.5 billion in climate funding against annual adaptation needs of $30-50 billion. It proposes that the G20 can bridge this gap by developing green finance taxonomies, promoting risk sharing through multilateral development bank guarantees, and facilitating carbon pricing. The author advocates for the use of debt-for-climate swaps to alleviate debt burdens while funding nature conservation and the expansion of Just Energy Transition Partnerships (JETPs), citing the South African model. Additionally, the paper highlights the role of natural gas as a transition fuel and the importance of investing in the AFOLU sector, which contributed 56% of Africa's total emissions in 2016.

The document examines the gap in climate change literacy in Africa, noting that while perception of climate impacts is high, understanding of human causes is low. It highlights a significant gender gap in literacy and argues that enhancing public understanding, combined with improved climate services and early warning systems, is essential for informed decision-making regarding livelihoods, infrastructure, and climate-induced mobility.

The document analyzes the 'demographic departure' between China, whose population peaked in 2022 and is declining, and Africa, whose population is projected to grow significantly. It examines China's 'getting old before getting rich' strategy—a two-tier approach focusing on capturing a low-wage demographic dividend while preparing for an aged society through education and healthcare investments. The author argues that African nations should adopt similar cointegrated economic-demography strategies to avoid productivity stagnation and leverage new market opportunities created by ageing global populations.

The document examines how African nations have navigated the Russia-Ukraine war, highlighting a preference for non-alignment driven by historical grievances with Western leadership and strategic national interests. It details the varied voting patterns of African states at the UN General Assembly, the potential for Africa to fill Europe's energy gap through gas and critical minerals, and the risks posed by great-power competition to regional security, particularly in the Sahel.

The document analyzes Russia's strategic pivot toward Africa as a means to diversify partners and evade Western sanctions following the invasion of Ukraine. It identifies three primary pillars of engagement: economic interests in mining, energy, and agriculture; geopolitical efforts to undermine Western influence in the Sahel and Mediterranean; and the promotion of multipolarity to challenge US-led unipolarity. While Africa is described as a 'policy tool' rather than a central priority, Russia leverages its lack of colonial history and non-conditional military support to gain influence among African states.