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The document examines the failure of juvenile justice systems in Sierra Leone, Tanzania, and Zambia to meet international standards, such as the Convention on the Rights of the Child. It highlights contradictory legal definitions of childhood, the frequent detention of juveniles with adults, and a lack of dedicated child-friendly courts. The author recommends harmonizing legislation, abolishing corporal punishment, and investing in rehabilitative facilities and personnel training to shift the focus from retribution to reform.

The document analyzes the protracted conflict in Somalia, tracing its origins to colonial divisions and the subsequent collapse of the state in 1991. It examines the role of clan politics, the rise of religious fundamentalism through groups like al Shaabab, and the influence of regional actors, particularly Ethiopia. The author argues that the current Transitional Federal Government (TFG) remains militarily weak and lacks internal legitimacy, while the African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM) is under-resourced. The paper recommends a comprehensive approach to peace that includes expanding the Djibouti process to include al Shaabab, addressing the security concerns of neighboring states, and deploying a robust UN peacekeeping force to replace AMISOM.

The report details a seminar on Sudan's political transition under the 2005 Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA). Discussions focused on the challenges of upcoming elections, the resolution of the Abyei border dispute via the Permanent Court of Arbitration, and the ongoing instability in Darfur. Speakers highlighted the CPA's limitations, including its lack of representativeness and unresolved issues regarding oil revenue sharing and the separation of religion and state.

The document analyzes African perspectives on the proposed Arms Trade Treaty (ATT), which aims to establish universal standards for the legal trade of conventional weapons. While there is broad support across the continent, the paper identifies specific concerns regarding national sovereignty, the potential for the treaty to be used as a political tool, and the financial burden of implementation. It details the positions of South Africa, Kenya, Egypt, Algeria, and Nigeria, noting a tension between the desire for global standards and the protection of national arms industries and security rights. The author recommends that African states develop a more unified common position through the African Union to better influence the international process.

The document analyzes the conflict dynamics of the Tuareg in North Africa and the Sahel, arguing that the violence is rooted in the loss of traditional livelihood resources and systemic political exclusion. It examines how post-independence land reforms, severe droughts in the 1970s and 1980s, and the industrial exploitation of uranium and gold have marginalized the Tuareg. The paper details the specific trajectories of conflict in Mali and Niger, the assimilation policies in Algeria, and the destabilizing role of Libya. It concludes that peace requires a comprehensive approach addressing the root causes of poverty and resource inequality rather than treating the Tuareg as terrorists.

The paper examines the link between habitat security and human security, arguing that adequate housing is a prerequisite for sustainable livelihoods. It focuses on South Africa's post-apartheid housing subsidy programme, detailing its delivery outputs, the shift toward 'sustainable human settlements' via the 2004 Breaking New Ground policy, and the role of security of tenure during the 2008 international financial crisis.

The report analyzes Ghana's 2008 elections as a landmark in its democratic transition, attributing the peaceful power alternation to the commitment of political actors, an independent electoral commission, and active civil society. While highlighting the shift toward a two-party system dominated by the NPP and NDC, the author notes persistent challenges including ethnic-regional voting patterns, the under-representation of women, and the potential risks associated with the discovery of oil.

In a keynote address at a 2009 roundtable conference, Minister Okello Oryem Henry identifies key drivers of African security, including conflict management, economic integration, and the governance of natural resources. He advocates for a gradual process of African integration toward a 'United States of Africa' to enhance the continent's collective ability to face endogenous and exogenous threats. The Minister highlights specific risks such as water disputes over the Nile, border demarcation conflicts, and the need for sustainable funding for African-led peace support operations like the Africa Standby Force.

The document reports on a seminar held in Addis Ababa on July 14, 2009, which assessed the instability in eastern DRC. Key discussions focused on the role of armed groups like the FDLR and CNDP, the effectiveness of military operations such as Kimia II and Umoja Wetu, and the normalization of relations between the DRC and Rwanda. The seminar highlighted systemic challenges including a weak national army, land tenure disputes, corruption, and the limitations of MONUC's bureaucratic structure and troop levels. Recommendations emphasized strengthening democratic processes, building army capacity, and pursuing political dialogue for the disarmament of FDLR members not involved in the 1994 genocide.

The report assesses the ICC's operations in the DRC, highlighting a gap between the government's political support and its actual technical capacity to cooperate. It examines specific cases, such as those of Thomas Lubanga and Jean-Pierre Bemba, and analyzes how domestic politics and the pursuit of peace in the Kivus create tensions with the ICC's mandate. The author finds that while the ICC is viewed as a crucial tool against impunity, victims and civil society express frustration over limited outreach, perceived selectivity in prosecutions, and the Court's low public profile.

The report details a seminar featuring Doug Brooks, President of the Association of the Stability Operations Industry (IPOA), who argued that private security contractors provide cost-effective, specialized capabilities that reduce military footprints and logistical burdens in peacekeeping. The seminar also included a response from Lawrence Juma, who questioned the distinction between these companies and mercenaries, the appropriateness of their role in internal conflicts in fragile states, and the adequacy of existing regulatory frameworks like the Montreux Document.

The report details a seminar on climate risk in Southern Africa, highlighting the vulnerability of agriculture, water, and health sectors. It emphasizes that while the region is least responsible for emissions, it is highly susceptible to climate-induced instability due to weak governance and reliance on rain-fed agriculture. Proposed solutions include multi-sectoral adaptation strategies, improved urban management, and strengthening governance capacities across the SADC region and the broader African continent.

The document evaluates the Grand Coalition Government (GCG) in Kenya, established after the 2007 post-election violence. While it notes institutional progress in justice and constitutional reform, it highlights failures in addressing root causes of conflict, such as land disputes and economic marginalization, and notes a sharp decline in economic growth from 7% to 1.7%.

The document analyzes the intractable political crisis in Chad, arguing that international efforts have often prioritized regime stability over long-term peace and democratic institutional building. It examines the roles of President Idriss Déby, armed rebel groups, and external powers like France, the US, and Sudan. The report evaluates specific initiatives, including the 13 August 2007 political accord and the Dakar Agreement, concluding that implementation has been piecemeal and hampered by a lack of political will and coordinated mechanisms.

The document details a seminar on the restitution of cultural heritage, contrasting Austria's evolving legal framework for returning Nazi-looted art with the ongoing difficulties in recovering African artifacts and human remains from former colonial powers. It highlights the role of external pressure and legal action in achieving restitution and examines the complexities of identifying beneficiaries and culprits in colonial contexts.

The document argues that Zimbabwe's security sector is heavily politicised and oriented toward regime security due to colonial legacies and liberation struggle ideologies. It recommends immediate interventions to prevent military coups, ensure regular payment of security personnel, and limit the use of the military in domestic affairs. Long-term goals include an incremental overhaul of the criminal justice system and the institutionalisation of accountability and transparency, though the author notes that comprehensive reform currently lacks political resonance.

The document examines Africa's shift toward diverse global partnerships to foster development, peace, and security. It analyzes the structural goals of the African Economic Community (AEC) and the New Partnership for Africa's Development (NEPAD) while critiquing the impact of globalization and 'economic imperialism'. The author details specific frameworks such as the Africa-India Forum, the Joint Africa-EU Strategy, the Forum on China-Africa Cooperation (FOCAC), and the Africa-South America Summit, noting a 'new scramble for Africa' driven by the demand for natural resources. The paper argues that while these partnerships offer opportunities, African nations must reclaim responsibility for their own development paths to avoid repeating colonial patterns of exploitation.

The paper finds that while South African voters are willing to withdraw support from the incumbent African National Congress (ANC) due to poor performance, they rarely shift that support to opposition parties, often retreating into an 'independent' category instead. This lack of inter-party movement is driven by negative perceptions of opposition parties as exclusive or untrustworthy, as well as low levels of 'cognitive mobilisation' among the electorate, where many voters are 'ritual partisans' or 'apoliticals' rather than sophisticated 'apartisans'. Consequently, traditional sanctioning through elections is weak, and accountability manifests more as a 'selection' process where voters choose the best available option rather than punishing the incumbent.

The research paper examines the transition from industrial to artisanal mining in Kalima, Maniema Province, DRC. It argues that artisanal mining of cassiterite has provided better employment, higher incomes, and more democratic work structures for the local population than the previous industrial regime under Sominki and Sakima. However, this shift has led to a decline in local agriculture and a collapse of social services previously provided by mining companies. The author also analyzes the Congolese fiscal system, noting that high export taxes encourage smuggling into Rwanda, and suggests that the lack of conflict in Maniema contrasts with the resource-fueled wars in the Kivu regions.

The document outlines Zambia's human development trajectory, noting improvements in rural poverty, primary education enrolment, and child mortality, while highlighting persistent challenges in maternal mortality, HIV/AIDS orphans, and high income inequality.