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The document analyzes the protracted conflict in Somalia, tracing its origins to colonial divisions and the subsequent collapse of the state in 1991. It examines the role of clan politics, the rise of religious fundamentalism through groups like al Shaabab, and the influence of regional actors, particularly Ethiopia. The author argues that the current Transitional Federal Government (TFG) remains militarily weak and lacks internal legitimacy, while the African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM) is under-resourced. The paper recommends a comprehensive approach to peace that includes expanding the Djibouti process to include al Shaabab, addressing the security concerns of neighboring states, and deploying a robust UN peacekeeping force to replace AMISOM.

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  • The conflict in Somalia is rooted in colonial history, specifically the arbitrary division of the Somali people into five distinct colonial units: French Somaliland, British Somaliland, Italian Somaliland, the Northern Frontier District of Kenya, and the Ogaden region of Ethiopia.
  • Colonial rule institutionalized a centralized state system that undermined indigenous clan-based political traditions, leading the state to be perceived as a tool for clan competition and socio-economic aggrandizement rather than a common framework for development.
  • The regime of General Siaad Barre (1969-1991) contributed to state collapse through authoritarian rule, a corrupt patrimonial system that favored the Darood clan, and a socialist economic policy that caused grain production to decline by 20% between 1969 and 1980.
  • Regional power politics, particularly the irredentist goal of 'Greater Somalia' and the 1977 war with Ethiopia, have deeply influenced the conflict and provided Ethiopia with reasons to intervene in Somali politics.
  • The collapse of the state in 1991 led to the militarization of civil society and a proliferation of weapons, creating a 'war economy' characterized by predatory looting, banditry, and piracy in the Gulf of Aden.
  • The Transitional Federal Government (TFG) is characterized by extreme military weakness and a lack of institutional capacity, controlling only small parts of Mogadishu and having 'almost no functional civil service'.
  • The Islamic Courts Union (ICU) gained popular support by providing security and services, but its hardline wing, al Shaabab, has since evolved into a powerful insurgent force that rejects the TFG and the Djibouti peace process.
  • The African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM) is considered inadequate due to its limited size (3,400 troops compared to a mandated 8,000) and a perceived lack of independence, as it is seen as providing protection to the TFG.
  • Ethiopia's military intervention in December 2006 failed to stabilize the TFG and instead radicalized many Somalis, leading to an 'Iraq-style' insurgency and widespread anti-Ethiopian sentiment.
  • The humanitarian crisis in Somalia is described as the worst in the world, with approximately 3.2 million people (over 40% of the population) in need of emergency food aid.

Cite the original document

APA
Dersso, S. A. (2009). The Somalia Conflict. Institute for Security Studies. https://issafrica.s3.amazonaws.com/site/uploads/P198.pdf
Chicago
Dersso, Solomon A. The Somalia Conflict. Institute for Security Studies, 2009. https://issafrica.s3.amazonaws.com/site/uploads/P198.pdf.
Wikipedia
{{cite report |last1=Dersso |first1=Solomon A. |title=The Somalia Conflict |publisher=Institute for Security Studies |date=September 2009 |url=https://issafrica.s3.amazonaws.com/site/uploads/P198.pdf |access-date=23 October 2026 |via=Climate Insights Directory}}
BibTeX
@techreport{dersso2009somalia, author = {Dersso, Solomon A.}, title = {{The Somalia Conflict}}, institution = {Institute for Security Studies}, year = {2009}, month = sep, url = {https://issafrica.s3.amazonaws.com/site/uploads/P198.pdf}, urldate = {2026-10-23}, note = {Indexed by Climate Insights Directory} }

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