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South Africa is attempting to leverage its unique geographic position to grow an 'oceans economy' through initiatives like Operation Phakisa, while simultaneously managing maritime security and international partnerships. However, the report finds that progress has been modest, hampered by eroding naval capabilities, a lack of an integrated national maritime strategy, and a policy focus that has disproportionately favored the Indian Ocean over the Atlantic. The document emphasizes the need for better coordination between government departments and stronger alignment with African Union and Indian Ocean Rim Association strategies to ensure sustainable 'blue economy' growth.

The report details a two-day workshop in June 2018 focused on aligning African development priorities with the BAPA+40 process. Key discussions centered on the need for a common definition and measurement framework for South-South Cooperation (SSC), the integration of Agenda 2063 and the SDGs, and the role of civil society. The workshop highlighted challenges in infrastructure financing, economic structural transformation, and the intersection of peace and development. Participants emphasized moving beyond superficial themes to create an action-oriented outcome for BAPA+40, proposing several thematic papers for the UN Office for South-South Cooperation.

The document examines the AfCFTA, an agreement aiming to create a single market for goods, services, and investment across 55 African countries. It highlights potential gains such as a 52% increase in intra-African trade and a 4% rise in total exports, while identifying significant hurdles including poor infrastructure, non-tariff barriers, and varying levels of political commitment. The paper specifically discusses the tensions between larger economies and less-developed countries (LDCs) regarding tariff liberalisation and special and differential treatment, as well as the complexities of overlapping memberships in Regional Economic Communities (RECs). It concludes that the success of the AfCFTA depends on domestic implementation and the ability of AU members to align national interests with continental goals.

The EU–SADC EPA, effective October 2016, provides tariff preferences for South Africa and other SADC members, with higher benefits for processed goods. Despite this, South Africa has underutilised its quotas for several processed fruit products due to a lack of awareness, sanitary and phytosanitary (SPS) issues, and drought. The document highlights the potential for growth in the canned fruit and juice sectors, noting that while large companies dominate, there are opportunities for SMEs if barriers such as the lack of local testing laboratories and changing EU consumer preferences (e.g., reduced sugar) are addressed. It recommends establishing information portals, improving SPS capacity, and providing technical assistance for niche markets like nuts to better integrate small-scale producers into the EU value chain.

The policy brief assesses the evolution of the Indian Ocean Rim Association (IORA) and identifies strategic opportunities for South Africa during its 2017-2018 chairmanship. While acknowledging IORA's progress in establishing priority areas like the Blue Economy and maritime security, the author argues that the organisation is hindered by a consensus-based decision-making process that avoids controversy and a 'member-driven approach' that lacks continuity and transparency. The brief recommends that South Africa focus on institutional reforms to better integrate academic and policy research, strengthen ties with other African member states and the 2050 Africa’s Integrated Maritime Strategy, and improve the Secretariat's monitoring and reporting functions.

The policy brief examines the challenges facing small-scale fisheries (SSFs), particularly in Africa, such as data scarcity and the exclusion of fishers from governance. It proposes ICT tools as a means to enhance data collection, improve market transparency, and connect operational actors with strategic managers. The document highlights the ABALOBI initiative in South Africa as a successful model of a bottom-up, co-developed ICT suite that empowers fishers and supports the co-management of resources.

The document examines the negative impacts of seismic surveys on marine fauna and evaluates the adequacy of current mitigation guidelines in South Africa and globally. It recommends that South Africa move away from company-led environmental impact assessments (EIAs) toward a national, legislated regulatory framework to ensure environmental integrity during oil and gas exploration.

The document reviews the African Union's (AU) 2017 Year of Youth, highlighting the gap between the adoption of high-level frameworks like the African Youth Charter and their actual domestication by member states. While it identifies successes in youth-led political activism in Nigeria, The Gambia, and South Africa, and praises Rwanda's technology-driven youth employment models, it criticizes the AU's lack of monitoring and evaluation (M&E) and the tokenistic nature of some youth participation. The authors advocate for using existing tools like the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM) to track progress and prioritize education, employment, and political inclusion to realize the goals of Agenda 2063.

This document is a formal objection submitted by the Centre for Environmental Rights on behalf of a coalition of eight civil society and community non-profit organisations. The objection opposes an application by Atha-Africa Ventures (Pty) Ltd to change the land use of Portion 1 of the Farm Yzermyn 96 in Mpumalanga from agricultural to mining purposes to facilitate the construction of the proposed Yzermyn Underground Coal Mine.

This document is a formal objection submitted by the Centre for Environmental Rights on behalf of a coalition of eight civil society and community non-profit organisations. The objection opposes an application by Atha-Africa Ventures (Pty) Ltd to change the land use of Portion 1 of the Farm Yzermyn 96 in Mpumalanga from agricultural to mining purposes to facilitate the construction of the Yzermyn Underground Coal Mine. The objectors argue that the project would cause irreparable harm to a strategic water source area, threaten biodiversity in the Mabola Protected Environment, and negatively impact vulnerable local communities, while failing to comply with municipal spatial development frameworks and national interest requirements under the Spatial Planning and Land Use Management Act (SPLUMA).

The study finds that new coal-fired power plants are not necessary to meet South Africa's electricity demand at the lowest cost and that committing to the Thabametsi and Khanyisa IPPs would substantially increase both system costs and greenhouse gas emissions. Using the South African Times Model (SATIM), the authors demonstrate that a least-cost build plan relies on wind, solar PV, and gas, while the coal IPPs would create a generation surplus and potentially accelerate Eskom's financial crisis. The report highlights that the emissions from these plants would almost entirely offset the savings from the National Energy Efficiency Strategy or the expected reductions from the carbon tax.

The study finds that new coal-fired power plants are not necessary to meet South Africa's electricity demand at the lowest cost and that their inclusion would substantially increase both system costs and greenhouse gas emissions. Using the South African Times Model (SATIM), the authors demonstrate that a least-cost build plan relies on wind, solar PV, and gas, while the coal IPPs would create a generation surplus and potentially accelerate Eskom's financial crisis. The report highlights that the emissions from these plants would almost entirely offset the savings from the National Energy Efficiency Strategy or the carbon tax, complicating South Africa's ability to meet its Paris Agreement commitments.

Southern Africa faces an energy crisis characterized by a lack of electricity access and a coal-dominated energy mix. The document argues that overcoming this requires a combination of regional cooperation to manage hydropower resources and the deployment of decentralised solutions like mini-grids for rural areas, while addressing systemic barriers such as poor project preparation and inadequate regulatory frameworks.

The Centre for Environmental Rights (CER) argues that the Thabametsi and Khanyisa coal-fired power stations are unnecessary, economically damaging, and environmentally harmful. CER highlights that Thabametsi's climate impact assessment rated its GHG emissions as "Very Large" and that both plants would be located in air quality priority areas. The document asserts that these projects contradict South Africa's international climate commitments and that renewable energy offers a cheaper, cleaner alternative.

The document examines the fallout of the US withdrawal from the 2015 Iran nuclear deal (JCPOA), noting that the decision ignored findings from the International Atomic Energy Agency and US intelligence. It highlights a broader decline in international cooperation, as evidenced by a Council of Councils report that downgraded the effectiveness of efforts to prevent nuclear proliferation and nuclear war from a B- to D-.

The Institute for Economic Justice claims the Department of Labour has weakened the National Minimum Wage (NMW) Bill by sidelining social partner agreements and reducing the independence of the NMW commission. Key concerns include the lack of guaranteed annual increases, a weak medium-term target, and the subordination of the commission's budget and operational authority to the department.

The report outlines mitigation and management measures for the operational and closure phases of two unlawful activities at the Tormin Mine: the expansion of a processing area and the construction of a process water dam. It identifies low to insignificant environmental impacts and provides a detailed framework for monitoring and rehabilitation to comply with the National Environmental Management Act (NEMA).

The Drakenstein Municipality faces significant water constraints due to urban growth and climate change, with urban water requirements projected to grow by 129% by 2040. Agriculture, particularly grapes which consume 80% of irrigated water, is a major driver of demand. By 2040, the estimated water deficit could cost the local economy approximately R10.5 billion per annum and 57,218 jobs.

The document argues that while the African Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance provides a normative framework, democratic processes in Africa have largely stagnated in a transitional phase, often trapped in an 'electoral fallacy' where regular elections occur without deep institutional consolidation. It identifies internal pressures—such as the rise of populism, election-related violence, and long-term leadership—and external pressures—including the influence of non-democratic powers like China, Russia, and Turkey, and a 'security-first' doctrine from Western actors—as primary drivers of democratic recession. Despite these challenges, the author notes positive signals such as the increasing number of charter signatories, the role of the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM), and the effectiveness of ECOWAS in restoring democracy in specific instances. The briefing recommends limiting the concentration of power through term limits and shifting international investment toward domestic democratic processes rather than just regional frameworks.

The report identifies newly adopted policies in 25 major emitting countries and regions—representing 79% of 2012 global GHG emissions—that support long-term decarbonisation goals. These policies include carbon taxes, coal phase-outs, and support for renewable energy and electric vehicles, focusing on legislative decisions and executive orders with direct effects on reducing emissions.