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The Centre for Environmental Rights (CER), representing groundWork and Earthlife Africa, has formally alerted the Department of Environment, Forestry and Fisheries (DEFF) to critical flaws in the EIA process for the Musina-Makhado Special Economic Zone (EMSEZ) in Limpopo. The CER argues that the project's potential for 'astronomical' environmental, health, and climate impacts—including the proposed 3,300 MW thermal power plant—makes it a matter of national importance. They contend that the Limpopo Department of Economic Development, Environment and Tourism (LEDET) is an inappropriate competent authority and that the Minister of Environment, Forestry and Fisheries should instead oversee the process. The CER specifically highlights risks to water-stressed regions, air quality in priority areas, and South Africa's international climate commitments under the Paris Agreement, requesting that the scoping process be restarted and preceded by a strategic environmental assessment (SEA).

The document argues that South Africa's criminal justice system has suffered from significant political manipulation, corruption, and patronage, which have eroded public trust and professional standards. It specifically examines the National Prosecuting Authority (NPA), the South African Police Service (SAPS), the Directorate for Priority Crime Investigation (DPCI), and the Independent Police Investigative Directorate (IPID). The paper identifies a lack of rigorous, transparent selection criteria and a dangerous reliance on executive discretion in appointments. To remedy this, it proposes the establishment of independent selection panels, the institutionalisation of 'fit and proper' criteria, and the creation of independent boards of enquiry for removals, ensuring that senior leadership is based on merit and integrity rather than political loyalty.

The position paper proposes a structural overhaul of how senior administrative officials are appointed and removed in South Africa to insulate the public service from unlawful political interference. It advocates for a four-stage generic appointment process—process planning, process administration, short listing, and appointment—to create a system of checks and balances. For the national and provincial public service, it suggests leveraging the Public Service Commission as an independent administrative check. For municipalities, it proposes the creation of independent personnel committees comprising professional associations and civil society. To ensure feasibility, the paper recommends a 'covering in' mechanism, allowing the President to incrementally apply these reforms to specific departments or municipalities via proclamation.

The document identifies a crisis in South African public procurement characterized by political interference, capacity deficits, and a fragmented legal regime. It proposes seven key reforms, including the creation of a single public procurement statute, the establishment of an insulated regulatory authority, and the introduction of 'qui tam' provisions to allow private citizens to enforce procurement law for a share of the recoveries.

The Lab has launched six financial instruments targeting blue carbon, sustainable agriculture, sustainable cities, and energy access. These instruments, which follow a seven-month design and stress-testing period, aim to mobilize significant investment for sustainable development. Key projects include mangrove restoration in the Philippines, blockchain-based crop insurance in Kenya, and solar securitization in Rwanda.

The IRP 2019 identifies an immediate risk of power shortages in South Africa due to the declining energy availability factor (EAF) of Eskom's fleet and the decommissioning of old coal plants. To mitigate this, the plan recommends a medium-term power purchase programme, the life extension of the Koeberg nuclear plant to 2044, and the continued operation of plants despite minimum emission standard non-compliance. Long-term, the plan envisions a diversified energy mix shifting from coal toward renewables, gas, and nuclear, while emphasizing a 'just transition' to protect jobs and local economies. It specifically proposes 2,500 MW of new nuclear capacity and the integration of the Grand Inga Hydropower Project from the DRC.

The report identifies a significant gap between the regulatory allowance for private equity investments (up to 20% in some countries) and the actual muted allocation by East African pension funds. Key barriers include a lack of technical knowledge among trustees, a strong bias toward high-yielding government bonds, and a perceived risk associated with the asset class. The study recommends tailored capacity building for trustees and regulators, the development of specialist investment policy statements, and the use of multi-manager models to mitigate risk and governance burdens.

The report assesses how the National Prosecuting Authority (NPA) and the Public Protector in South Africa have been affected by political interference. It argues that while these bodies are designed for impartiality, presidential appointment powers and the selection of politically aligned leaders have frequently compromised their independence. The NPA is described as having a 'tumultuous existence' due to executive pressure, while the Public Protector's effectiveness is noted to depend heavily on the individual incumbent, ranging from the highly regarded Thuli Madonsela to the court-criticized Busisiwe Mkhwebane. The author recommends constraining presidential discretion in appointments, introducing separate budgets for the NPA, and involving civil society in recruitment to bolster institutional integrity.

The document examines the Global Compact on Refugees (GCR) and the Comprehensive Refugee Response Framework (CRRF), arguing that while they offer a progressive 'whole of society' approach to refugee integration, their non-binding nature and flawed funding mechanisms hinder their effectiveness in Africa. It highlights a gap between liberal policy and implementation in South Africa and the failure of the CRRF in Tanzania due to financial burdens. The authors advocate for a results-based management system and a stronger link between security, development, and migration to address the root causes of displacement on the continent.

The document assesses the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM) against two other multi-stakeholder initiatives (MSIs), the Open Government Partnership (OGP) and the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative (EITI). It identifies weaknesses in the APRM's digital transparency, member accountability, and civil society integration, while suggesting the APRM can offer lessons in strategic partnership building.

The report analyzes climate mitigation commitments from subnational and non-state actors, finding that while individual commitments from ten major emitting economies can reduce 2030 emissions by 1.2 to 2.0 GtCO2e, international cooperative initiatives (ICIs) offer a much larger potential reduction of 18 to 21 GtCO2e. If fully implemented, these ICIs could put the world on track to limit global warming to 2°C. The report also highlights the synergies between these climate actions and the achievement of Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs).

The document examines the trade-offs for African nations joining the AIIB, noting that while the bank offers a new source of low-cost finance to address an annual infrastructure deficit of $68 to $108 billion, its lack of technical capacity-building and specific instruments for low-income countries outside Asia limits its appeal. It concludes that middle-income African countries are better positioned to benefit from membership than low-income countries.

The report finds that Atha-Africa Ventures' financial provisions for the Yzermyn coal mine are incomplete and significantly underestimated. GCS Water and Environment identifies critical omissions, including costs for wetland rehabilitation, wetland offsetting, and the construction and operation of a wastewater treatment plant (WWTP) to manage post-closure decant. GCS estimates that the 2020 financial provision provided by Atha-Africa is less than one-quarter of the realistic costs required. The report emphasizes that the mine's location within the Mabola Protected Area and its impact on sensitive headwater wetlands necessitate a full-scale revision of closure and water management costs to ensure long-term environmental protection.

The statement asserts that climate change will intensify hardships for African communities, leading to increased climate migration and potential xenophobic sentiment. It specifically highlights that climate-driven stress is likely to fuel intra-family conflict and gender-based violence, particularly affecting women in South Africa.

The Centre for Environmental Rights (CER), representing groundWork and Earthlife Africa, has formally requested the opportunity to comment on the final scoping assessment report for the proposed Musina-Makhado Special Economic Zone (SEZ). The CER objects to the adequacy of the public participation process and the content of the scoping report, requesting that the environmental impact assessment (EIA) process be paused until detailed objections are submitted.

The South African Institute of International Affairs (SAIIA) expresses alarm over violence and vandalism in Tshwane, Johannesburg, and Ekurhuleni targeting people from other African countries. The organization argues that migrants contribute positively to job creation and innovation, and urges political leaders to cease rhetoric that singles out 'the other' as the cause of domestic socio-economic problems. SAIIA advocates for the prosecution of criminals, the restoration of order, and the implementation of civic education based on common humanity.

The report details the systemic corruption in South Africa known as 'state capture,' focusing on the influence of the Gupta family over the administration of former President Jacob Zuma. It describes the manipulation of cabinet appointments, the hollowing out of state-owned enterprises (SOEs), and the use of political connections to secure lucrative state contracts. The document assesses the role of the Zondo Commission and the Public Protector in uncovering these activities and emphasizes the necessity of prosecutions to restore public trust in democratic institutions.

The report examines South Africa's historical and recent involvement in Burundi, highlighting a transition from significant military and diplomatic leadership during the Arusha Peace and Reconciliation Agreement to a more peripheral role following Burundi's 2015 political crisis. While South Africa has provided tangible support in electoral capacity building and civil service training, the report finds that bilateral agreements have been implemented in a fragmented manner. It emphasizes the value of 'citizen diplomacy' through civil society and academic exchanges, particularly in supporting Burundi's Truth and Reconciliation Commission. The authors argue that South Africa should leverage its remaining political capital and technical expertise through a holistic strategy that navigates complex regional dynamics involving the East African Community (EAC) and the International Conference for the Great Lakes Region (ICGLR).

The report finds that section 139 interventions in South African municipalities are largely ineffective, often initiated only after 'total collapse' rather than as a preventative measure. It highlights a systemic misapplication of the law, where discretionary section 139(1) interventions are used for financial crises that legally require mandatory section 139(5) recovery plans. The authors argue that the use of administrators to assume all executive functions is legally baseless and often worsens municipal health due to incompetence or corruption. The report recommends a standardized implementation framework with clear trigger thresholds and strengthened oversight from the NCOP and National Treasury's Municipal Financial Recovery Service.

The research examines the systemic nature of corruption and rent-seeking in South African metropolitan municipalities. It contrasts two distinct governance models: Cape Town's 'growth machine,' which leverages land rights and property development for established interests, and Nelson Mandela Bay's 'clientelist' regime, which relies on procurement and personnel rents to sustain patronage networks. The author argues that while growth machines may produce better overall development outcomes, neither model effectively serves the urban poor.