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The document examines the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM) as a voluntary tool for self-assessment and peer learning in governance. It traces the APRM's genealogy from the Organization of African Unity (OAU) through the New Partnership for Africa's Development (NEPAD) to the African Union (AU). While the author notes that the APRM has expanded its membership to over half of African states and fostered greater political space for citizens, the paper highlights significant institutional challenges, including rivalries between the AU and NEPAD, leadership vacancies, and the inability to enforce its non-binding recommendations. The author concludes that the APRM's future success depends on strong African leadership and the ability to demonstrate tangible governance reforms.

The briefing examines the mutual distrust between the Kenyan government and civil society organisations (CSOs), arguing that CSOs are essential for enforcing good governance, transparency, and accountability within the security sector. It highlights the role of CSOs in community policing and human rights advocacy while identifying barriers such as poor governance and a lack of political will. The document recommends that CSOs be used as platforms for public debate and the setting of norms to guide government actions.

The document argues that accountability—defined as the obligation of those in power to justify their decisions—is the essential ingredient for functional constitutionalism. It proposes three tests for constitutionalism: limitations on government power, domestic legitimacy, and the protection of human rights. Using South Africa as a primary example, the author highlights a tension where liberation movements often transition from fighting for people's freedom to securing elite power, leading to the erosion of judicial independence and the failure to implement constitutional rights in practice. The paper concludes that a culture of accountability and a vigilant civil society are necessary to prevent a 'winners and losers' scenario and to protect individuals without needing specific group rights.

The paper analyzes APRM Country Review Reports for Ghana, Rwanda, Kenya, Algeria, South Africa, and Benin, identifying systemic gaps between constitutional intentions and reality. It highlights a recurring pattern where the executive branch dominates the legislature and judiciary, undermining the separation of powers. Other common issues include electoral manipulation, systemic corruption, human rights abuses—particularly against women and children—and conflicts over land ownership. The author concludes that the APRM's effectiveness is limited by the lack of political will to implement its recommendations, suggesting that following these recommendations should become mandatory for member states.

The document examines governance in Ghana, Rwanda, Kenya, Algeria, South Africa, and Benin, identifying a systemic gap between constitutional intentions and practical implementation. The author argues that a lack of 'constitutionalism' leads to executive dominance, weakened legislatures, and compromised judicial independence. Key areas of concern include the manipulation of electoral systems, systemic corruption, marginalization of women and children, and land ownership conflicts. The paper concludes that while the APRM is an effective early-warning system, its impact is limited because member states often ignore its recommendations.

The seminar concludes that elections are not isolated events but part of a broader body polity, meaning their effectiveness in preventing conflict depends on the surrounding political culture and context. Using Ghana as a reference point, the discussion highlights that presidential elections in Africa often become zero-sum games because control of the presidency equates to control over a country's political and economic future. To mitigate this, the report suggests distributing power across state institutions and ensuring the impartiality and professionalism of Electoral Commissions. Key recommendations for managing electoral processes include grounding the process in citizen ownership, ensuring timely release of results, and fostering a culture of conceding defeat to build political compromise.

The report examines the relationship between the global al-Qaida network and the Palestinian polity, focusing on the Gaza Strip. It argues that al-Qaida has used an offensive propaganda campaign to criticize Hamas for political moderation and has attempted to establish an operational foothold in the region. While the report finds no hard evidence of a formal al-Qaida organization in the Palestinian territories, it notes the emergence of various salafi-jihadi groups that have engaged in violence against 'non-Islamic' targets, Christians, and foreigners. Hamas has generally responded defensively to these challenges, fearing that radical elements within its own movement may be receptive to al-Qaida's message, especially under the pressure of international isolation.

The manual defines conflict-sensitive conservation (CSC) as programming that accounts for the causes, actors, and impacts of conflict to avoid exacerbating tensions and to support peace. It outlines a three-step institutional process for organizations to adopt CSC—assessing capacity, allocating human resources, and developing guiding principles—and a two-step project-level process involving conflict analysis and the design of sensitive solutions. The manual emphasizes that conservation can inadvertently fuel conflict by restricting resource access, imposing economic burdens, or distributing benefits unequally, but it can also foster peace by addressing root causes of resource scarcity and creating non-threatening spaces for dialogue.

The manual introduces 'Conflict-Sensitive Conservation' (CSC), a process designed for conservation organizations operating in or near protected areas, particularly in conflict-prone regions. It argues that while conservation can prevent conflict by managing scarce resources, poorly designed interventions—such as restricting resource access or unequal benefit distribution—can inadvertently trigger or fuel violence. The guide outlines a three-step institutional process to adopt CSC (assessing capacity, allocating human resources, and defining principles) and a two-step programmatic process (conflict analysis and the design/monitoring of solutions). It provides specific tools for analysis, including conflict trees, conflict mapping, and stakeholder profiling, and emphasizes the importance of gender-sensitive approaches to peacebuilding.

The briefing outlines nine key priority areas for REDD implementation, emphasizing the need for its inclusion in an international climate agreement alongside agriculture. It argues for a balanced approach to Measurement, Reporting and Verification (MRV) to avoid discouraging developing countries, suggests using IPCC guidelines for baselines, and proposes regional cooperation to manage transboundary leakage. The document highlights the importance of social and environmental co-benefits for local communities to ensure project permanence and calls for a combination of public grant funds and market-based financing. Finally, it advocates for a phased implementation approach to support countries with varying levels of technical readiness and capacity.

The document details a 2009 workshop organized by the Institute for Security Studies (ISS) focusing on the intersection of climate change and transboundary water conflicts in Africa, with a heavy emphasis on the Nile River Basin. It examines how environmental degradation, population growth, and uneven water distribution exacerbate tensions between riparian states. The report highlights the role of regional bodies like the Nile Basin Initiative (NBI), IGAD, and ECOWAS, and argues that while climate change acts as a 'threat multiplier,' it can also serve as an incentive for regional cooperation. Key recommendations include the ratification of the UN Convention on the Law of Non-Navigational Uses of International Watercourses, the establishment of joint management frameworks, and the integration of climate adaptation into national planning and donor programs.

The report details a dialogue on the vulnerabilities of African economies to climate change and the potential for trade policy to enhance resilience. It emphasizes the need for predictable financial mechanisms, the diffusion of low-carbon technologies, and the reform of the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) to better serve African interests. The document highlights the potential of organic agriculture and renewable energy to create jobs and reduce poverty, while warning against arbitrary trade restrictions and poorly evidenced environmental labels that could undermine the competitiveness of African exports.

The document details a seminar featuring Dr. David Zounmenou and Mr. Sandile Zeka, who analyzed the 2008 Ghana elections. Dr. Zounmenou argued that Ghana's peaceful process was due to strong institutional mechanisms, such as a respected code of ethics and a credible Electoral Commission, contrasting this with violence in Kenya and Zimbabwe. Mr. Zeka applied 'mental model' theory to argue that shared internal images of injustice from military rule and common social needs drove Ghana's democratic stability and voting patterns. Both speakers emphasized the need for independent electoral commissions and voter education to prevent electoral violence in Africa.

The document highlights how two decades of conflict in the eastern Democratic Republic of Congo have created a humanitarian crisis and severely threatened Virunga National Park. It argues that the illegal trade in park resources, specifically charcoal, funds violence and leads to deforestation, while the displacement of populations increases pressure on the ecosystem. The author contends that environmental governance must be integrated into any peace agreements to prevent natural resources from continuing to finance conflict and to support future economic recovery.

The document examines Africa's engagement with the CWC and BTWC, noting that while CWC participation is high due to the support of the OPCW, BTWC engagement is low due to a lack of an oversight body and a perception that biological weapons are not a primary threat. It highlights significant gaps in national legislation and the vulnerability of African public health systems to deliberate disease outbreaks.

The document examines the historical patterns of US and Soviet influence in Africa and contrasts them with a potential modern 'new' Cold War based on the divide between liberal democracies and authoritarian states. It argues that while a multi-polar world could increase the bargaining power of African governments, these states should maintain neutrality to avoid diminishing their economic opportunities by falling into a single sphere of influence.

The document details the perspectives of General Martin Luther Agwai on the implementation of the UNAMID mandate in Darfur. It outlines the socio-economic and political origins of the Darfur conflict, the transition from the African Union Mission in Sudan (AMIS) to the hybrid UNAMID operation, and the significant logistical and political hurdles facing the mission. General Agwai argues that while UNAMID has achieved success in civilian protection and humanitarian support, it is severely hampered by a lack of equipment, insufficient troop levels, and a complex security environment where no stable peace exists to be kept.

The briefing outlines South Africa's expected contributions to the 63rd UN General Assembly, emphasizing the 'African Agenda', the mid-term review of the Millennium Development Goals, and the promotion of South-South cooperation. It highlights the use of the 2010 FIFA World Cup as a catalyst for the 'African Renaissance' and the role of 'quiet diplomacy' in resolving Zimbabwean political conflict.

The report identifies a critical leadership gap in sustainable development driven by a retiring generation of experts and the increasing complexity of global environmental challenges. It reviews various training models—including internships, scholarships, and professional placements—used by organizations like IUCN, WWF, and IISD. The findings emphasize that while technical knowledge is important, there is a significant need for 'enabling' soft skills such as communication, innovation, and multi-stakeholder management. The document advocates for the creation of a consortium to standardize skill sets, share training materials, and better track alumni to support a non-linear, mobile career path for the next generation of sustainability leaders.

The document examines the relationship between media freedom and good governance, specifically focusing on the omissions within the African Union's African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM). It argues that without an independent media to act as a watchdog, democratic governance is impossible. The author highlights the prevalence of 'insult laws' across 48 of 53 African countries as a primary barrier to press freedom and suggests specific revisions to the APRM questionnaire to ensure media independence is assessed. Case studies of South Africa, Ghana, Kenya, and Rwanda illustrate varying levels of media freedom and the tendency of official reports to overlook the media's critical role in accountability.