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The document analyzes a growing trend among African leaders to prioritize 'traditional values' and 'sovereignty' over universal human rights, often using anti-imperialist rhetoric to shield themselves from accountability. It highlights the role of CSOs in fighting this regressive shift, specifically regarding LGBTI rights, corruption, and the International Criminal Court (ICC), while noting that these organisations face increasing government harassment and restrictive legislation.

The report identifies a lack of specific, mainstreamed climate change policy in Zimbabwe, noting that current responses are fragmented and implementation capacity is weak. It highlights a deficiency in public awareness regarding adaptation, observing that farmers often conflate climate change effects with normal seasonal variability. Additionally, the document emphasizes the need to integrate gender issues into the national response to climate change.

The author contends that synthetic diamonds pose a greater threat to the mined diamond industry than 'blood diamonds', particularly for stones under 0.5 carats which make up 80-90% of the market. While the Kimberley Process (KP) has historically focused narrowly on conflict diamonds, the author suggests that expanding its scope to include human rights and the traceability of both rough and polished diamonds is essential. Without such a system to guarantee authenticity and ethics, the author warns that mined diamonds may lose their status as a store of value, mirroring the price collapse seen in the industrial diamond market.

The document proposes a new analytical framework for understanding organised crime, suggesting that criminal networks act as 'parallel sovereigns' that exercise authority in spaces neglected by formal institutions. It argues that the global neoliberal market has replaced the state as the primary referent of sovereignty, allowing criminal networks to commoditise influence and political connectivity to integrate themselves into governance.

The paper argues that elections in Africa often trigger instability because they are primarily viewed as a means of accessing state resources. It suggests that stability requires 'inclusive political settlements' and a move away from 'electoral autocracy' where elections are used to consolidate power. The author emphasizes the need for credible Election Management Bodies (EMBs), legitimate domestic observation, and inclusive mediation mechanisms involving civil society and traditional leaders to prevent violence.

The relationship between South Africa and China has evolved from formal diplomatic recognition in 1998 to a 'comprehensive strategic partnership' by 2010. While bilateral trade has grown rapidly, with China becoming a primary trading partner, the structure remains imbalanced, characterized by South African raw material exports and Chinese manufactured imports. Investment patterns are unique compared to other African nations, with South African firms historically investing more in China than vice versa, although Chinese FDI is increasing in mining and infrastructure. Diplomatic cooperation is strong in multilateral forums like BRICS and the UN Security Council, though tensions exist regarding commercial competition and public perceptions of Chinese business practices.

The paper examines why elections in Africa often trigger violence and fail to legitimise power, attributing this to high stakes regarding access to state resources. It argues that technical fixes are insufficient and that stability requires inclusive political settlements, credible election management bodies (EMBs), and robust domestic observation and mediation systems involving civil society and traditional leaders.

The paper examines electoral management in Benin, Cape Verde, Ghana, Nigeria, Senegal, and Sierra Leone, highlighting a trend toward independent or hybrid EMB models. It identifies critical challenges including the high cost of elections, executive interference in appointments and tenure, and the complexities of electoral dispute adjudication. The author argues that the effectiveness of EMBs is often undermined by a political culture of impunity and zero-sum politics, despite formal legal guarantees of independence.

The study examined 43 smallholder farmers in Zimbabwe's Mhakwe Communal Area to understand their perceptions of climate change and their adaptation methods. It found that while farmers receive information from government and non-governmental organisations, they rely on specific practical strategies like zero tillage and agroforestry. The authors recommend that external agencies strengthen these existing strategies and improve the dissemination of analysed weather and climate data.

The 2013 elections in Kenya and Zimbabwe were 'first-generation' polls following violent cycles in 2007 and 2008. While both were peaceful, they differed in the scale of reform: Kenya implemented extensive judicial and security changes over two and a half years, whereas Zimbabwe had barely two months to enact minimal reforms. The document argues that excessive reliance on technology in Kenya created dangerous stand-offs, while Zimbabwe's rushed process led to a flawed voters' roll. Both cases highlight a growing resistance to Western interference in 'sovereign moments' of democratisation, particularly regarding transitional justice and the International Criminal Court.

The document examines the critical role of dryland forests in Southern Africa, highlighting their vulnerability to deforestation and climate change. It proposes a 'nexus approach' to overcome the marginalisation of the forestry sector by demonstrating its interdependencies with water, energy, and food security. The author argues that integrated landscape management and multi-sectoral policy coordination can identify win-win solutions for climate mitigation and adaptation, such as agroforestry and payment for watershed services.

This research paper examines South Africa's use of economic statecraft and economic diplomacy in its relations with Zimbabwe and Swaziland, analyzing the country's reluctance to leverage economic power to promote democratic reform and human rights in these neighboring states.

The report assesses Zimbabwe's capacity for climate compatible development (CCD), identifying significant research and institutional gaps despite a strong tradition of academic publishing. It highlights the need for interdisciplinary research, curriculum innovation, and better integration of indigenous knowledge to address vulnerabilities in agriculture, water, and health.

The paper argues that South Africa's regional policy exhibits an inconsistent and weak linkage between its stated normative values and its economic diplomacy. While South Africa positions itself as a normative leader in Africa, its historical ties to liberation movements and a focus on regional state-building have limited its use of economic resources as tools for political reform. The author concludes that South Africa has not integrated its economic drivers with its normative drivers, often failing to sacrifice economic interests to defend the political anchors of its external identity.

The policy brief examines the emerging architecture of extractive governance in Africa, focusing on the Africa Mining Vision (AMV) and its implementing agency, the African Minerals Development Centre (AMDC). It highlights a critical gap between the economic contributions of the mining and oil sectors and the local socio-economic realities. The author argues that for these home-grown initiatives to succeed, they must leverage research from institutions like SAIIA's Governance of Africa's Resources Programme (GARP), coordinate better to avoid duplication with other bodies like the AfDB's African Natural Resources Centre, and form strategic partnerships with established global mechanisms such as the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative (EITI) and the Kimberley Process (KP).

The document examines the role of artisanal gold mining in Zimbabwe as a tool for poverty alleviation and economic growth, while highlighting severe governance failures. It argues that the current state-led approach of criminalisation has failed to address environmental degradation, smuggling, and conflict between artisanal and commercial miners. The authors recommend formalising the sector through clearer land rights, competitive gold pricing to discourage smuggling, and partnerships between small-scale and large-scale operators to improve productivity and environmental compliance.

The document evaluates the African Union's (AU) efforts to promote democracy through electoral perspectives, arguing that while AU declarations have positively influenced the electoral landscape, elections often remain 'democratic liabilities' rather than assets. It identifies key setbacks including the resurgence of military coups, tenure elongation (the 'third term agenda'), and the refusal of incumbents to concede power. The author critiques AU election monitoring for being undermined by poor field coverage, a short-term focus on election-day events, and a tendency to be less critical of incumbents seeking re-election. The paper concludes that AU reports lack legal force and often conflict with domestic observer findings, necessitating a shift toward long-term monitoring and stronger collaboration with local civil society.

The document argues that South Africa has been reluctant to use its economic power to push for democratic reforms in Zimbabwe and Swaziland, preferring a policy of 'quiet diplomacy' and non-interference. This approach is driven by realpolitik concerns regarding regional stability, personal ties between political elites, and a desire to avoid being perceived as a hegemon. While South Africa's foreign policy officially commits to human rights and democracy, the author finds a disconnect in implementation, noting that economic diplomacy is primarily used for domestic wealth aggregation rather than as a tool for political influence. The paper suggests that South Africa could more effectively advance its agenda by integrating economic statecraft into its foreign policy, potentially through public sector financial institutions or the reformulation of the Southern African Customs Union (SACU) revenue-sharing formula.

The interior of Southern Africa faces severe climate impacts, including temperature increases of up to 6°C by 2100, which threaten dryland forests. These ecosystems, comprising Miombo and Kalahari Woodland biomes, are already degraded by land-use changes and over-use. The author argues that current SADC forestry policies are too sector-based and lack specific adaptation guidance for dryland forests. To build resilience, the document recommends a shift toward Ecosystem-based Adaptation (EbA), full-cost accounting of natural capital, and the creation of landscape connectivity to allow species migration. It emphasizes the role of community-based management and the use of non-timber forest products as socio-economic safety nets for the millions of people dependent on these forests.

The study found a high, statistically significant correlation between indigenous knowledge estimates of groundwater levels and actual recorded levels at three sites in Zaka district, Zimbabwe, suggesting that indigenous knowledge can reliably inform groundwater resources development and management when hydrological monitoring is unavailable.