The 2013 Elections in Kenya and Zimbabwe: Lessons for Africa and Beyond
Summary
The 2013 elections in Kenya and Zimbabwe were 'first-generation' polls following violent cycles in 2007 and 2008. While both were peaceful, they differed in the scale of reform: Kenya implemented extensive judicial and security changes over two and a half years, whereas Zimbabwe had barely two months to enact minimal reforms. The document argues that excessive reliance on technology in Kenya created dangerous stand-offs, while Zimbabwe's rushed process led to a flawed voters' roll. Both cases highlight a growing resistance to Western interference in 'sovereign moments' of democratisation, particularly regarding transitional justice and the International Criminal Court.
Key insights
- The lead-time between constitutional adoption and the holding of elections is a critical factor for the success of electoral reforms. Kenya had two and a half years to implement changes, while Zimbabwe had barely two months, resulting in minimal institutional transformation in the latter.
- Over-enthusiastic or technology-heavy reform agendas can inadvertently threaten electoral stability. In Kenya, the failure of the technology-intensive voter registration and results management system used by the IEBC nearly led to a violent stand-off between Uhuru Kenyatta and Raila Odinga.
- Zimbabwe's 2013 elections suffered from a flawed voters' roll and a rushed timeline, leading to conflicting assessments from observers. While SADC called the polls peaceful and free, the AU reserved judgment on fairness, and the Zimbabwe Election Support Network (ZESN) declared the polls compromised.
- Transitional justice issues and Western diplomatic pressure created high stakes during the 2013 polls. In Kenya, the ICC indictments of Uhuru Kenyatta and William Ruto were framed as a referendum against Western-backed institutions, while Zimbabwe barred EU and Carter Center observers due to sanctions on ZANU-PF personalities.
- There is a surging perception in African states that electoral processes are sovereign and do not require Western approval for legitimacy, suggesting a need for Western countries to rethink their foreign policy strategies on democratisation.
Cite the original document
- APA
- Gerenge, R. (2014). The 2013 Elections in Kenya and Zimbabwe: Lessons for Africa and Beyond. South African Institute of International Affairs. https://saiia.org.za/wp-content/uploads/2014/07/Policy-Briefing-98.pdf
- Chicago
- Gerenge, Robert. The 2013 Elections in Kenya and Zimbabwe: Lessons for Africa and Beyond. South African Institute of International Affairs, 2014. https://saiia.org.za/wp-content/uploads/2014/07/Policy-Briefing-98.pdf.
- Wikipedia
- {{cite report |last1=Gerenge |first1=Robert |title=The 2013 Elections in Kenya and Zimbabwe: Lessons for Africa and Beyond |publisher=South African Institute of International Affairs |date=June 2014 |url=https://saiia.org.za/wp-content/uploads/2014/07/Policy-Briefing-98.pdf |access-date=17 August 2026 |via=Climate Insights Directory}}
- BibTeX
- @techreport{gerenge20142013, author = {Gerenge, Robert}, title = {{The 2013 Elections in Kenya and Zimbabwe: Lessons for Africa and Beyond}}, institution = {South African Institute of International Affairs}, year = {2014}, month = jun, url = {https://saiia.org.za/wp-content/uploads/2014/07/Policy-Briefing-98.pdf}, urldate = {2026-08-17}, note = {Indexed by Climate Insights Directory} }
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