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The document examines the potential for the EUDR and UK Environment Act to act as levers for change in Ghana's cocoa industry. It highlights that while these regulations impose strict deforestation-free and legality requirements, they offer Ghana opportunities to improve forest governance, establish a centralised traceability system, and better regulate child labour. However, the author warns of risks to smallholder farmers, who may face increased compliance costs or exclusion from the EU market, and emphasizes the need for international partnerships to support a just transition.

The document establishes a consensus across multiple energy models, including the IEA NZE and IPCC pathways, that no new oil and gas fields should be developed to meet the 1.5 target. It argues that oil and gas production must decline by at least 65% by 2050 from 2020 levels. The brief asserts that the energy crisis in Europe caused by Russia's invasion of Ukraine does not justify new fossil fuel production, as existing capacity and demand reduction can meet needs. It highlights a significant investment gap in renewables, noting that annual solar and wind investments must reach USD 830 billion by 2030 to bridge a USD 450 billion annual gap. Finally, it recommends that financial institutions cease financing new oil and gas projects and push for the phase-out of fossil fuel subsidies.

The report explores how repeating national climate risk assessments (CRAs) can support the monitoring, evaluation, and learning (MEL) of national adaptation efforts. While CRAs are traditionally used to inform planning, the author argues they can also track changes in vulnerability over time to assess adaptation success. Analysis of 12 countries reveals a shift toward viewing CRAs as continuous learning processes rather than static reports, with a growing consensus that updates should occur roughly every five years to align with policy cycles. However, the report finds that fully standardized approaches to repeating CRAs are often impractical due to evolving science and shifting policy priorities. Instead, it suggests a flexible approach where only specific components are standardized. Early adopters like Germany and the United Kingdom have begun using CRAs to evaluate NAP effectiveness, though they face methodological challenges, including the time lag between implementing measures and seeing tangible risk reductions.

The report explores how national climate risk assessments (CRAs) can transition from one-off planning documents to iterative tools for monitoring, evaluation, and learning (MEL). Based on analysis from 12 countries, it argues that while periodic CRAs are essential for evidence-based National Adaptation Plans (NAPs), a fully standardized approach is often impractical due to evolving scientific knowledge and shifting policy priorities. The document highlights that countries like Germany and the UK are beginning to use CRAs to assess whether vulnerability is decreasing, though methodological challenges remain, such as the time lag between adaptation action and observable risk reduction.

The document argues that the 'polycrisis'—a state of complex, compounding environmental risks—requires a new category of leadership capable of managing chaotic conditions. Based on research with approximately thirty senior UK defense personnel, the authors identify three core strengths of military leadership: baseline capabilities (physical/mental resilience, values-based leadership, and storytelling), constant rehearsal (simulations and wargaming), and the 'Mission Command' operational concept. The briefing suggests that civilian leaders can adopt these methods to close the 'imagination gap' and maintain agency during environmental destabilization, while also calling for the defense sector to better integrate sustainability into its own doctrine.

The 'Climate Lockdown' narrative is a conspiracy theory claiming that global elites use climate change as a pretext to restrict civil liberties. Emerging in early 2020, the term shifted from early discussions about environmental benefits of COVID-19 lockdowns to a tool for climate sceptics and anti-elite movements. By late 2022, the narrative evolved to target urban planning initiatives, specifically '15-minute cities' and traffic filters in Oxford, UK, falsely framing them as precursors to authoritarian movement restrictions.

The policy brief highlights a gap between current European electricity interconnection expansion plans and the actual needs of the power system. It asserts that doubling interconnection capacity is essential to integrate renewables cost-effectively and reduce reliance on fossil gas. The author identifies critical border corridors requiring urgent attention and proposes three pathways forward: accelerating the 22 GW of projects already in the pipeline, investing in non-wire solutions like storage and demand response, or increasing domestic renewable capacities at a higher cost.

The document addresses the mass exit of insurers from the Net Zero Insurance Alliance (NZIA) following threats of antitrust legal action from 23 US state attorneys general. It asserts that climate change is already destabilizing the insurance business model through soaring catastrophe losses, particularly in North America, and urges insurers to stop funding climate-denying politicians and phase out fossil fuel support.

The document outlines ten strategies to make climate communications more effective for 'Persuadables' in the UK. Key recommendations include leading with personal benefits rather than climate science, avoiding adversarial approaches to misinformation, and removing middle-class 'class codes' by using diverse, non-London-centric messengers. It suggests engaging men through manual job market opportunities, platforming non-white voices to address historical mistrust, and using humor to increase approachability. Additionally, the guide advises matching hope with concrete plans, leveraging hyperlocality to tap into community pride, broadening the definition of 'climate action' to include community-led efforts, and utilizing traditional media channels like local newspapers and billboards over social media, which was found to be the least trusted channel.

Japan possesses vast offshore wind resources, with a technical potential exceeding 9,000 TWh/year, far surpassing its projected 2050 electricity demand. While current deployment is low, the government has set targets of 10 GW by 2030 and 45 GW by 2040. The document highlights that floating offshore wind is critical for Japan due to its deep coastal waters and could position the country as a global industry leader. Economic benefits include reduced dependency on imported fossil fuels, with a 30 GW target by 2030 potentially avoiding USD 27.8 billion in gas costs at 2022 prices. However, achieving these targets is hindered by lengthy environmental permitting processes and a fragmented electricity grid divided by different technical standards (50 Hz and 60 Hz).

The report assesses Europe's theoretical CO2 storage capacity, estimating it between 262 and 1520 GtCO2, and matches this against industrial and non-industrial CCS demand scenarios for 2035 and 2050. It compares 'Export' scenarios (limited key basins) with 'Domestic' scenarios (widespread storage), finding that while Europe has sufficient long-term theoretical capacity, current announced projects are insufficient for 2035 demand. The analysis highlights that widespread domestic storage could halve transport CAPEX costs compared to export-heavy models, though certain regions like Northern Italy, the German North Sea, and Switzerland may face capacity constraints under high-demand scenarios.

The report argues that federal funding from Budget 2023 can help provinces modernize electricity grids and reduce the cost of transitioning to net zero. While electricity rates may rise modestly, the shift to more efficient electric technologies like heat pumps and electric vehicles is projected to lower average household energy spending by 12% by 2050. The authors emphasize that provinces should adopt targeted policy tools, such as means-tested fixed charges, to ensure energy affordability for low- and middle-income households.

The report argues that federal investments in clean electricity will lower overall energy expenses for Canadians by 2050, despite modest increases in electricity rates, provided that provinces implement targeted affordability measures for low-income households.

The report argues that current NDCs and financial frameworks are insufficient to reach net-zero emissions, particularly in developing and emerging economies facing high debt. It proposes nine principles for international climate finance, emphasizing that developed countries must scale up support based on common but differentiated responsibilities (CBDR). Key recommendations include adopting bottom-up, sector-specific finance needs, utilizing innovative mechanisms like debt-for-climate swaps, and aligning finance with national policy processes to avoid carbon lock-ins. The report highlights the importance of 'just transitions' and the synergy between mitigation, adaptation, and loss and damage funding.

The document argues that current economic systems are failing and that large-scale economic reform requires broad public support, which can be generated through participatory mechanisms. It defines a 'social contract' as an agreement between state and society on rights, responsibilities, and resource distribution, suggesting that a new 'eco-social contract' is needed to prioritize the planet and people over profit. The briefing details various innovative mechanisms for citizen engagement—such as citizen assemblies, participatory budgeting, and just transition processes—and identifies five key tools best suited for driving economic reform. It emphasizes the need to expand these mechanisms to the Global South and frontline communities to restore trust and create a 'social mandate' for a just and sustainable transition.

Global Witness advocates for the adoption of Amendment 91 to the Financial Services and Markets Bill, which would mandate due diligence for UK financial institutions to stop the funding of illegal deforestation. The document argues that voluntary frameworks like the TNFD are insufficient and that the UK financial sector currently poses a significant risk to global forests, with an estimated $16.6 billion provided to businesses implicated in deforestation between 2015-2020.

The report outlines a framework for integrating biodiversity co-benefits into the lifecycle of nature-based solutions (NbS) for climate adaptation. It emphasizes moving beyond simple area-coverage metrics toward indicators of ecosystem functioning and health. The authors advocate for a multidisciplinary approach that integrates Traditional Knowledge, human rights-based frameworks, and inclusive governance to avoid socio-ecological trade-offs. The document provides a step-by-step implementation cycle—from system understanding and risk assessment to monitoring, evaluation, and learning (MEL)—supported by a list of global standards and technical resources.

The document analyzes how governments in Norway, France, and the UK moved beyond legal enforcement to motivate citizens during COVID-19 lockdowns. It identifies three evolving strategies: using national narratives to legitimize responses, managing public expectations through data and trust to 'lock in' policies, and eventually differentiating duties based on political preferences. The authors argue that civic duties are co-determined by states and citizens, warning that a shift toward differentiated duties could allow privileged groups to avoid the costs of public obligations.

The We Mean Business Coalition's framework for Responsible Policy Engagement (RPE) addresses the 'advocacy gap' where corporate climate commitments are not matched by their political influence. It defines RPE as engagement that supports policy interventions to reduce emissions in line with net zero by 2050. The report identifies drivers for RPE, including investor pressure via the Global Standard on Responsible Climate Lobbying and increased scrutiny from civil society and regulators. It outlines a business case for RPE based on risk reduction, regulatory certainty, and reputation. The core of the document is a resource library categorized into five action areas: committing to speak up, establishing governance, direct engagement, aligning trade associations, and allocating advocacy spending. It emphasizes the 'ambition loop,' where corporate advocacy spurs ambitious government policy, which in turn enables companies to meet their own climate targets.

The report asserts that the EU cannot reach net zero by 2050 without large-scale deployment of CCUS, estimating a need to capture and store between 300 and 640 Mt of CO2 annually by 2050. It highlights a significant gap between current project announcements and the necessary infrastructure, particularly in CO2 transport and geological storage. The authors recommend that the European Commission establish clear targets, a regulatory framework for CO2 grids, and financial mechanisms like Carbon Contracts for Difference (CCfD) to de-risk investments. The document specifically identifies 'hard-to-abate' sectors—such as cement, steel, and waste-to-energy—as critical areas where CCUS is either the lowest-cost or only viable decarbonisation pathway. It also emphasizes the necessity of technology-based carbon dioxide removals (CDR) via BECCS and DACS to balance residual emissions.