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The report argues that high electricity prices, often inflated by policy-related levies, make heat pumps less cost-competitive than gas boilers despite their superior efficiency. It analyzes various policy levers—such as removing levies, reducing VAT, or implementing innovative tariffs—to lower the electricity-to-gas price ratio, which the European Heat Pump Association suggests should be no higher than 2 for competitiveness. The analysis highlights that the Netherlands, with the lowest price ratio (1.4), has significantly higher heat pump sales than countries like Germany, Poland, or Hungary, where ratios exceed 3.

The document analyzes polling data from Project Tempo's EuroPulse Dashboard, revealing that while 62% of voters in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) acknowledge human-driven climate change, they prioritize the economy and security over climate action, which ranks 16th out of 18 issues. CEE voters show strong support for wind (62%), solar (65%), and carbon dioxide removal (62%), with higher-than-average support for nuclear power (44%) as a means to ensure self-sufficiency and industrial competitiveness. The Clean Air Task Force (CATF) recommends a diversified approach incorporating 'clean firm power'—including nuclear (SMRs), advanced geothermal, and gas with carbon capture—to maintain 24/7 reliability and reduce dependence on external suppliers, particularly in light of Russia's war in Ukraine. Key barriers identified include a lack of funding consensus, as only 55% of voters support any specific payment option for the transition, and insufficient regional coordination on cross-border infrastructure.

The research paper examines how the 1989 Belgium-Luxembourg (BLEU)–USSR bilateral investment treaty (BIT) is being used as a legal threat to prevent Belgium from supporting an EU plan to back a EUR 140 billion Ukraine loan with immobilized Russian Central Bank assets. It highlights a broader trend of 'regulatory chill' where Russian entities use investor-state dispute settlement (ISDS) claims to challenge sanctions. The author argues for the modernization of investment treaties and the implementation of domestic legal blocks to prevent the enforcement of arbitration awards that contradict international sanctions regimes.

The document details Physicians for Human Rights' (PHR) multipronged approach to documenting conflict-related sexual violence, focusing on the use of standardized forensic medical forms, multisectoral collaboration, and digital tools like MediCapt. It argues that integrating medical-legal evidence with survivor-centred care reduces retraumatization and strengthens the evidentiary base for prosecutions. The paper highlights successful applications of this model in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Iraq, Kenya, and Ethiopia, emphasizing that capacity development for health and legal professionals is essential for translating clinical data into legal accountability.

The report identifies 27 factors across four themes—EU internal dynamics, expected effects of enlargement, attitudes/norms/perceptions, and external factors—that influence EU accession decisions. It argues that while the process is formally merit-based, EU actors exercise significant discretion, with normative factors dominating early candidacy and economic or political interests predominating during later negotiations. The analysis highlights how these factors varied across the 'Big Bang' (2004), 'Coda' (2007), and Croatia (2013) rounds, and provides forecasts for the 'Trio' of Ukraine, Moldova, and Georgia.

The joint statement argues that while the Industrial Accelerator Act (IAA) can transform Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) into clean industry hubs, it risks exacerbating regional disparities due to the CEE's narrower fiscal margins and higher energy costs compared to other EU states. To prevent industrial decline driven by 'subsidy races', the authors recommend combining EU content requirements with carbon and circularity criteria, establishing common EU labels for green steel, cement, and chemicals, and implementing Green Public Procurement (GPP) mandates. Specifically, the statement suggests that GPP mandates for low-carbon materials in infrastructure could increase public procurement budgets in CEE by between +0.11% in Austria and +1.35% in Romania. The authors also call for equitable access to EU-level funding and streamlined permitting for cross-border hydrogen and CO2 infrastructure to address the region's high energy costs.

The 2025 East Asia Quadrilateral Dialogue joint statement argues that geopolitical zero-sum thinking and great power competition increase the risk of military conflict in East Asia and hinder cooperation on the climate crisis. The signatories advocate for the institutionalization of Track II diplomacy—linking civil society, parliaments, and experts—to maintain peace and manage regional competition.

The policy brief examines how water scarcity empowers non-state armed groups, delegitimizes state authority, and fuels transboundary disputes, while proposing that the US utilize its technological leadership and mediation experience to maintain geopolitical stability.

The report examines how the UNFCCC's reliance on consensus has led to a 'race to the bottom,' where a small number of countries can veto critical decisions on fossil fuels, 1.5°C targets, and loss and damage. By comparing the UNFCCC to other UN bodies and multilateral environmental agreements—such as the UN General Assembly and the Montreal Protocol—the author demonstrates that voting mechanisms can actually enhance multilateralism by brokering consensus and exposing blockers. The document proposes two primary procedural pathways for reform: adopting the long-bracketed draft rules of procedure or amending the Convention and Paris Agreement via a three-fourths majority vote.

The report finds that international reporting of military greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions is generally poor, with significant under-reporting in data submitted to the UNFCCC. A comparison of five top military spenders showed that defence ministry reports for direct emissions were, on average, 95% higher than UNFCCC figures. The report highlights a critical lack of Scope 3 (supply-chain) reporting, noting that less than 10% of military carbon footprints typically appear in UNFCCC data. It identifies systemic loopholes in reporting guidelines and instances of 'greenwashing,' specifically by the UK military, and recommends mandatory, explicit military emissions reporting within National Inventory Reports.

The report examines the risks associated with the renewed interest in tactical nuclear weapons (TNW) among global powers. It details three plausible use scenarios—targeting facilities, military forces in the field, or demonstration shots—and models the direct physical effects of a 20-kiloton blast. The authors argue that TNW use would trigger unpredictable international crises, erode the long-standing norm of nuclear non-use, and potentially lead to uncontrolled escalation. The paper recommends reinforcing the non-use norm and implementing risk-reduction measures to prevent the normalization of nuclear warfighting.

A group of military and defence experts argues that including clean energy investments in NATO's 1.5% non-core spending target is essential for European security. They highlight that the EU continues to fund the Russian war effort through fossil fuel imports, noting that in 2024, the EU paid nearly €22 billion for Russian fossil fuels, exceeding the €19 billion in financial support provided to Kyiv. The authors contend that decentralized energy sources like wind and solar are more resilient to military attack than large power stations and that transitioning away from fossil fuels reduces vulnerability to price spikes and supply manipulation by malign actors.

The report examines the 'renaissance' of green industrial policy, defining it as government intervention to achieve environmental goals alongside economic growth. Through case studies of China, the US, the EU, Canada, Brazil, and South Korea, it highlights a shift toward interventionism driven by climate urgency and geopolitical rivalry. The authors argue that while these policies can accelerate decarbonization and lower technology costs globally, they risk increasing international inequality, creating market distortions, and triggering trade conflicts, particularly for developing nations with limited fiscal capacity.

The report argues that conflict-related sexual violence is not inevitable and varies significantly across armed actors. It highlights a shift toward analyzing 'patterns of violence'—distinguishing between military strategy, organizational policy, and tolerated social practice—while advocating for a more intersectional approach that includes men, boys, and LGBTQIA+ survivors. The authors identify critical gaps in the study of structural root causes and perpetrator motivations, and they caution that traditional policy tools like international prosecutions and state-level sanctions have limited or even counterproductive effects on prevention.

The paper analyzes the evolution of the UN Security Council's approach to conflict-related sexual violence (CRSV), arguing that while the 'weapon of war' frame successfully moved the issue onto the security agenda, it created significant gaps in protection and accountability. This framing prioritizes strategic, systematic violence over opportunistic abuse and often ignores non-traditional survivors, such as men, boys, and LGBTQ+ individuals. The author notes that geopolitical interests continue to dictate which atrocities are condemned and which are tolerated, leading to inconsistent implementation of the Women, Peace and Security (WPS) agenda.

The report analyzes climate disinformation in French and Brazilian mainstream media, finding that in France, disinformation is systemic and often linked to political and economic interests, while in Brazil, it manifests as a strategic 'invisibilization' of environmental issues driven by the agribusiness sector. It recommends strengthening media regulation, improving journalist training, and integrating disinformation detection into emergency response systems for extreme weather events.

The document argues that Africa's critical raw materials (CRMs) have triggered a resurgence of transactional deals where external powers provide security or infrastructure in exchange for resource access. It contrasts Russia's use of private military companies, the US's transactional 'peace-brokering' model, and China's 'infrastructure-for-resources' strategy, noting that these arrangements often prioritize foreign strategic gains over African long-term stability and sovereignty.

The report argues that interconnectors are critical for European energy security, having prevented three major blackouts in the last five years and providing a lifeline to Ukraine and Moldova during Russian aggression. It highlights that 55% of Europe's power system remains at risk due to limited import options, with Spain, Ireland, and Finland being particularly exposed. The document also details the vulnerability of infrastructure to sabotage, citing nine incidents in the Baltic Sea, and calls for accelerated deployment of new capacity and strengthened security measures to protect the grid from hybrid warfare.

Moldova faces a critical parliamentary election on 28 September, characterized by a struggle between the pro-European ruling party PAS and various Russian-allied or populist blocs. While PAS aims for EU integration by 2028, it faces challenges from slow judicial reform and extensive Russian hybrid warfare, including the use of troll farms and disinformation to influence undecided voters. The outcome will determine whether Moldova continues its path toward the EU or shifts back toward Russian influence.

The document asserts that nearly 800 million people face chronic hunger due to a global food system that prioritises corporate profit over people, leading to artificially inflated prices and significant environmental damage.