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Carbon Market Watch challenges the project boundaries of a JI waste coal processing project in the Luhansk region of Ukraine, stating that the lack of specific waste heap identification and the potential for adding new facilities during the monitoring period violate the requirements for a conventional JI project.

The COP18 summit in Doha resulted in incremental progress, primarily the agreement of a second commitment period for the Kyoto Protocol (KP2) from 2013 to 2020. While the EU and several other nations committed to an average emission reduction of 18% below 1990 levels, major emitters including the US, China, Russia, Japan, Canada, and New Zealand did not approve or opposed the commitment. The summit failed to establish a concrete roadmap for the $100 billion annual climate finance target for 2020, though it introduced a new agreement to establish an international mechanism for "loss and damage" by COP19. The document highlights ongoing tensions regarding the principle of common but differentiated responsibilities and respective capabilities (CBDR-RC) and the dispute over "hot air" carbon credits, particularly involving Poland and the EU.

EU Environment Ministers failed to reach a consensus in Luxembourg on addressing the 13 billion tonne surplus of emission reduction permits from the first Kyoto commitment period. CDM Watch argues that this failure, driven largely by Poland's insistence on the unrestricted use of its surplus, weakens the EU's position for the Doha climate negotiations and threatens the environmental integrity of a second commitment period. The document highlights that the surplus, often termed "hot air," does not represent real emission reductions, as countries like Poland, Russia, and Ukraine had emissions levels well below their targets at the time of the Kyoto Protocol's adoption.

The document highlights a massive surplus of 13.1 billion tonnes of CO2 from the first Kyoto commitment period (CP1), far exceeding estimated demand. It notes that weak emissions pledges and lenient offset rules are likely to create an additional 3.6 billion tonne surplus by 2020. In response, the G-77 and China, incorporating views from the African Group, AOSIS, and Brazil, proposed restrictions on the use of CP1 Assigned Amount Unit (AAU) surpluses in the second commitment period (CP2).

The report examines Ukraine's 'Green Investment Scheme', which was established to manage 470 million euros earned from selling 'hot air' emission quotas between 2009 and 2012. It highlights a significant gap between the funds received and the actual implementation of projects, noting that by the end of 2011, only 37 projects were completed, resulting in a disproportionately high cost per ton of CO2-eq reduced. The document criticizes the scheme for lack of transparency, bureaucratization, and potential corruption, arguing that project selection may be driven by political reasons rather than environmental or economic viability.

Coal mining accounts for 8 percent of global methane emissions. While significant potential exists for abatement through degasification and ventilation air methane (VAM) oxidation, progress is hindered by policy, financial, and technological barriers. In China, legal frameworks and conflicting safety/emission standards create hurdles, while India lacks resource assessments. Russia faces issues with licensing and inefficient degasification systems. In the US, split-estate ownership on federal lands and a lack of federal mandates limit viability. The report suggests that while large-scale investment is available, a lack of small-scale funding for design and demonstration is a primary obstacle, proposing revolving funds and micro-loans as solutions.

The document examines the risk posed by a projected surplus of up to 13 billion Assigned Amount Units (AAUs) that could be carried over into a second Kyoto Protocol commitment period. It argues that without restrictions, this surplus could eliminate additional emissions reductions and threaten the goal of limiting global warming to 2°C, thereby undermining the viability of the global climate deal planned for 2020.

The author analyzes the collapse of the liberal-productivist model, which combined neoliberal deregulation with a drive for continuous material growth. This model failed due to a convergence of financial debt crises and ecological constraints, specifically the 'energy-climate crisis' and food price volatility. The author proposes a 'Green Deal' characterized by a shift toward labor-intensive green investments, a reduction in working hours, and a global cooperative framework for greenhouse gas (GHG) quotas. To fund this transition, the document suggests the 'monetization of debts'—canceling or rescheduling old debts while directing new credit toward green conversion. The text warns that without a democratic, cooperative transition, the world risks repeating the 1930s' slide into fascism or totalitarianism.

The report analyzes how broad definitions of investor nationality in bilateral investment treaties (BITs) allow transnational companies to engage in 'treaty shopping'—the practice of acquiring a specific nationality to gain access to more favorable legal protections or international arbitration. It examines three primary nationality criteria: place of incorporation, head office, and control, noting that the incorporation criterion is particularly susceptible to the creation of 'mailbox' companies. The author distinguishes between pre-dispute treaty shopping, which arbitration tribunals generally tolerate as legal planning, and post-dispute restructuring, which is often rejected as an abuse of rights. To mitigate these risks, the report recommends that states adopt stricter, cumulative nationality criteria (such as combining incorporation with substantial business activity) and implement automatic 'denial of benefits' clauses.

The report examines the legal challenges surrounding the definition of a 'protected investor' in bilateral investment treaties (BITs), focusing on the role of nationality. It highlights how liberal definitions—such as relying solely on the place of incorporation—enable 'treaty shopping,' where investors artificially acquire a nationality to access more favorable legal protections or international arbitration. The author analyzes the distinction between pre-dispute and post-dispute treaty shopping, noting that tribunals generally view the former as legal strategic planning and the latter as an abuse of process. To mitigate these risks, the document recommends that states adopt more restrictive, cumulative criteria for nationality (e.g., combining incorporation with substantial economic activity) and implement 'automatic' denial of benefits clauses.

The document examines how the Kimberley Process (KP) failed to address human rights abuses in Zimbabwe's Marange region because its definition of 'conflict diamonds' only covers those used by rebel groups. It details the involvement of Zimbabwean security forces in torture, rape, and smuggling, and the lack of transparency regarding diamond revenues. The authors recommend that the KP expand its definition to include governments, establish local monitoring mechanisms, and require transparency in mining licenses.

Carbon Market Watch challenges the validity of a JI project in Ukraine's Sverdlovsk district, arguing that the project's claim of additionality is not credible because it was operational for 4.5 years before the Letter of Approval was issued. The organization also contends that emission reductions are likely exaggerated due to a lack of supporting coal production data and flawed baseline assumptions regarding the spontaneous burning of waste heaps. Additionally, the document criticizes the project's physical boundaries for being insufficiently defined, noting that the project allows for the addition of new waste heaps and complexes during the monitoring period.

The report assesses the impact of the EU ETS on three energy-intensive sectors in Austria: paper and pulp, cement, and iron and steel. It finds no compelling evidence that the EU ETS has already caused significant competitiveness or leakage issues, though future impacts are expected as free allowances decrease. The study evaluates various SAAMs, concluding that only standards and labels could significantly mitigate these risks, while recommending joint international RDD&D and 'Made under the EU ETS' labels as viable paths forward.

The document examines how different financial instruments and institutions define and calculate 'leverage'—the ability of public funds to catalyze additional investment. It finds that leverage is often conflated with co-financing and varies wildly by instrument, making cross-comparison nearly impossible. The authors propose a new framework based on counterfactuals, risk mitigation, and the avoidance of double counting to improve the rigor of climate finance reporting.

The report finds a robust consensus across four analyzed studies that developing country mitigation pledges are greater in absolute terms than those of developed countries. It argues that developed country pledges are insufficient and could be further eroded by lenient accounting rules regarding land use and surplus allowances. The analysis concludes that current global pledges are consistent with temperature rises between 2°C and 5°C, necessitating higher ambition from developed nations based on principles of equity and historical responsibility.

The report estimates that at least USD 97 billion per annum in climate finance was provided in 2009/2010, with private finance (USD 55 billion) significantly outweighing public finance (at least USD 21 billion). The vast majority of these funds (USD 93 billion) are directed toward mitigation, while adaptation receives only USD 4.4 billion. The analysis highlights a critical lack of standardized definitions and a significant gap in data regarding the effectiveness of these financial flows.

The report examines 17 arbitral awards from ICSID, UNCITRAL, and SCC tribunals between September 2010 and October 2011. It highlights ongoing controversies over the definition of 'investment,' including the inclusion of sovereign debt and commercial contracts. It discusses the 'pick and choose' approach to Most-Favoured Nation (MFN) clauses, the high threshold for proving expropriation, and the broad interpretation of Fair and Equitable Treatment (FET) standards. The document also notes the rejection of jurisdiction in cases where investors failed to prove 'real economic activity' or where national investment laws lacked explicit consent to international arbitration.

The report finds a robust consensus across four different analyses that developing country mitigation pledges are greater in absolute terms than those of developed countries. It argues that Annex 1 pledges are insufficient and could be further diminished by lenient accounting rules regarding LULUCF and surplus allowances. The authors conclude that current global pledges are consistent with a temperature rise between 2°C and 5°C, necessitating higher ambition and stricter accounting from developed nations based on principles of equity and historical responsibility.

The document outlines four decades of activism by Friends of the Earth International, highlighting specific successes in banning commercial whaling in Spain, prohibiting open-pit mining in Costa Rica, and establishing the first climate change law in the UK. It details diverse campaigns against coal power in Germany, oil pollution in Nigeria, and genetically modified organisms in Europe, while emphasizing the role of grassroots mobilization and legal action in achieving environmental protections and human rights.

This report highlights the achievements of Friends of the Earth International (FoEI) over four decades, detailing specific campaigns against extractive industries, pollution, and unsustainable development. It documents legal victories, such as the ban on open-pit mining in Costa Rica and the recognition of water as a human right in Uruguay, as well as grassroots successes in reforestation in Belgium and the protection of eucalyptus forests in Australia. The text emphasizes the role of international solidarity and legal action in challenging neoliberal globalization and protecting the rights of indigenous peoples and local communities.