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The report argues that ICTs are essential for youth empowerment, governance, and livelihood opportunities, particularly in developing regions. It highlights that while young people use ICTs for advocacy, education, and entrepreneurship, they face significant barriers including high costs, lack of infrastructure, and a need for pedagogical shifts in education. The document details various regional initiatives—such as telecenters in Colombia and India, mobile internet units in Malaysia, and youth networks in Africa—to demonstrate how targeted ICT investments can bridge the digital divide and foster sustainable development.

The report argues that corruption is a global phenomenon that severely impedes development by distorting public spending, undermining efficiency, and discouraging investment. It rejects the notion that corruption can foster development, asserting instead that it kills the 'development spirit'. For South Africa, the authors recommend a combination of economic liberalisation, democratic consolidation, and specific institutional reforms—including tax and procurement overhauls—driven by strong political will to ensure accountable governance.

The document analyzes South Africa's strategic options regarding the conflict in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) across three scenarios: a firm peace agreement, a shaky cease-fire, or the absence of a cease-fire. It critiques existing OAU and UN mechanisms as over-ambitious and under-resourced given the DRC's geography. The author introduces 'Renaissance peacekeeping'—a proposal by Thabo Mbeki to co-opt current belligerent statutory forces into a multinational peacekeeping force to ensure rapid deployment and local knowledge. While noting the risks of impartiality and the need for a 'lead nation' (potentially South Africa), the author concludes that South Africa is likely to be drawn into the conflict despite the high risk of mission failure due to fragile cease-fires.

The document examines the motivations and activities of US government agencies and private organisations in promoting stability in Africa. It argues that while the US has a profound humanitarian impulse and a stated interest in regional stability, its policy is primarily reactive and lacks a coherent, long-term strategy. The report details the roles of the Department of State, Department of Defense, and USAID, alongside the influence of the US Congress and various NGOs. Key initiatives of the Clinton era are analysed, including the African Crisis Response Initiative (ACRI) and the African Growth and Opportunity Act, while providing strategic advice to African leaders on how to effectively engage with the fragmented US policy apparatus.

The document examines the 'peace pyramid' model of conflict management in Africa, where subregional organisations act as the base, the OAU as the linkage, and the UN as the apex. It argues that while subregional bodies like ECOWAS and SADC are often better motivated for intervention due to proximity, they lack institutionalised crisis management mechanisms and are built upon fragile states. The author suggests that effective regional security requires a focus on state-building, good governance, and the creation of permanent secretariats to ensure impartiality and reliability.

The paper examines the fragile peace process in Angola following the 1994 Lusaka Protocol, arguing that UNITA's leadership, particularly Jonas Savimbi, has consistently procrastinated on disarmament while maintaining military capabilities through illicit arms networks. It details the complex international supply chains providing weapons to UNITA and analyzes the strategic positions of both the MPLA-led government and UNITA. The author concludes that while a military offensive by the government is possible, it may not end the conflict due to UNITA's deep-rooted guerrilla infrastructure and the region's fluid political instability.

The report argues that there is no legitimate African cultural tradition that justifies the use of children in armed conflict, noting that traditional age-set systems typically recruited relatively mature men. It examines the limitations of existing international humanitarian and human rights laws, such as the Geneva Conventions and the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child, in preventing child recruitment. The author concludes that the establishment of a permanent International Criminal Court (ICC) is the most effective way to ensure individual criminal accountability for those who conscript or enlist children.

The document analyzes the 1997 South African Regulation of Foreign Military Assistance Bill, which aims to prevent citizens and companies from providing unauthorized military services abroad. The authors argue that the Bill's vague definitions of 'armed conflict' and 'foreign military assistance' could encompass non-combatant activities such as humanitarian aid, election monitoring, and academic research. They highlight concerns regarding the extensive discretionary power granted to the Minister of Defence and the lack of transparency in the authorization process. The paper proposes specific amendments to narrow the scope of the legislation, streamline the approval process, and protect bona fide NGOs and academic institutions from excessive penalties.

The document details the transformation of the South African National Defence Force (SANDF) and the South African Army following the 1994 democratic transition. It outlines a shift toward civil control, broad representivity, and a streamlined administrative structure called the Ministry of Defence (MoD), which is expected to save R300 million. The transformation involves integrating former non-statutory forces (NSF) and statutory forces, implementing affirmative action, and redefining the Army's mission from winning land battles to providing battle-ready troops for a Joint Operations Organisation. The papers highlight challenges such as budgetary restrictions, ageing equipment, and the need to combat racial prejudice within the ranks, while projecting a future role focused on territorial integrity and regional peacekeeping within the SADC and OAU frameworks.

The document analyzes the 1990-1996 rebellion in Northern Mali, driven by the marginalization of Tuareg and Arab nomads and a development gap between the North and South. It details how the Norwegian Church Aid (NCA) leveraged long-term trust and a network of Malian advisors to facilitate 37 intercommunity meetings, enabling local civil society to lead reconciliation efforts. While the National Pact and subsequent integration of combatants provided a framework for peace, the author argues that lasting stability depends on increased international investment in infrastructure and the removal of IMF-imposed structural adjustment restrictions that hinder the staffing of essential services.

The Harare Declaration, adopted during the first African Conference on Debt and Development (AfCoDD) in August 2021, calls for a systemic overhaul of the global debt architecture to address the vulnerabilities of African nations. It highlights how the COVID-19 pandemic exacerbated poverty and debt burdens, potentially pushing 39 million Africans into extreme poverty. The document criticizes the current system for prioritizing creditor interests over social and environmental justice, noting a shift toward commercial bonds and a lack of transparency in debt contraction. To counter this, the declaration proposes the creation of an African Monitoring and Control Mechanism, a Monetary Fund, and an African Bank. It further advocates for a feminist approach to macroeconomics, a green recovery aligned with the AU's Agenda 2063, and the possibility of collective debt default to break the cycle of neoliberal dependency.

The document examines how rising debt burdens in Africa lead to austerity measures that compromise basic human rights, such as health and education. It highlights the success of previous debt relief initiatives like HIPC and MDRI while calling for a human rights-based approach to current debt management and the revamping of the G20 Common Framework.

The document examines how African public debt is rooted in colonial constructs and enforced through contract law, often perpetuating economic dependency. It analyzes the legal architecture at national and international levels, the various debt instruments used, and the systemic failures in transparency and accountability that lead to debt crises. The paper advocates for constitutional reforms, independent debt management offices, and a multilateral sovereign debt restructuring mechanism to ensure sustainable development and protect human rights.

The document examines the tension between Africa's fossil fuel endowments and the global push for decarbonization, highlighting the risks of stranded assets and the dominance of Global North financing. It argues for a Just Transition that ensures energy access while moving toward low-carbon sources.

The paper examines the limitations of short-term economic rescue measures in East Africa following Covid-19, advocating for a shift toward 'fiscal democracy' and 'civil protection' to address systemic vulnerabilities. It highlights how high public debt, illicit financial flows (IFFs), and a lack of public participation in fiscal policy undermine economic sustainability. The author calls for human rights-based approaches to tax justice and a return to civic education to empower citizens to hold governments accountable for service delivery and resource management.

The report identifies three primary ecosystems driving climate mis- and disinformation: the 'attention economy' of online influencers, state-affiliated networks (specifically Russia), and the fossil fuel lobby. It details how the #ClimateScam hashtag has gained prominence on X, how ad tech companies monetise websites hosting climate denial, how Russian state media instrumentalises climate topics for geopolitical influence, and how fossil fuel companies use Facebook advertising for greenwashing. The document argues that these efforts undermine the public mandate for Net Zero and calls for structural changes to digital platform incentives and greater transparency in ad tech.

The report outlines six critical dimensions for successful nuclear energy deployment in embarking countries: project execution, regulatory system development, bankability and finance, nonproliferation and security, spent fuel management, and workforce development. It argues for a shift from bespoke 'project' models to standardized 'product' models to reduce costs and risks. The authors propose the creation of new international institutions, such as an International Technical Support Organization (ITSO) and an International Bank for Nuclear Infrastructure (IBNI), to provide the technical and financial support necessary for global scaling.

A pilot project in Uganda demonstrated the viability of the A-B-C-D rural electrification model, which provides renewable power to anchor customers, businesses, community facilities, and domestic users. The project achieved a 90% reduction in diesel use for a cell phone tower and enabled year-round high-value crop production via solar-powered drip irrigation. Financial modelling suggests the model can be commercially viable at scale with initial development funding, leading to plans for expansion into Tanzania and Zambia.

The text emphasizes the urgent need to scale out community-based adaptation (CBA) through increased finance, noting that mitigation currently dominates climate funding. It highlights successful local initiatives in Colombia, Ethiopia, Uganda, Mozambique, and Vietnam, while praising Nepal's target of directing 80% of climate finance to the local level via its Local Adaptation Plans of Action (LAPA) programme.

The CDKN's Africa START research call provides £300,000 for 16 projects and £150,000 for management and a learning forum. The funded research addresses diverse climate risks across Africa, including forest degradation in Nigeria and Cameroon, water management in Benin and Ethiopia, and coastal lagoon sensitivity in North Africa, all aimed at enhancing food security and rural livelihoods.