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The document examines youth radicalisation in Africa as a complex phenomenon driven by a combination of 'push' and 'pull' factors. It argues that while religious ideology is often used as a justification, the actual drivers are frequently rooted in political repression, systemic corruption, socio-economic exclusion, and weakened family structures. The paper emphasizes that responses must be nuanced and evidence-based, moving beyond a 'one size fits all' approach to address specific local and structural vulnerabilities.

The document analyzes the dynamics of youth radicalization in Africa, arguing that it is a complex process driven by a combination of 'push' and 'pull' factors rather than a single cause. It highlights how government repression, corruption, high youth unemployment, and social exclusion create vulnerabilities that extremist groups like ISIS, Al-Shabaab, and Boko Haram exploit. The paper emphasizes that while religion is often used as a justification, the root causes are frequently socio-political and economic. It also examines the role of gender, noting that while most recruits are male, women's participation is increasing, often driven by different motivations or forced coercion.

The report examines the recruitment of Turkish citizens into ISIS and Jabhat al-Nusra, identifying a total of 2,000 to 2,200 Turkish nationals who travelled to Iraq and Syria. It distinguishes between the recruitment styles of the two groups, noting that ISIS attracts more recruits through 'pop jihadist' propaganda and lower entry barriers, while Nusra relies on disciplined, historical al-Qaeda networks. Key push factors include personal alienation and socio-economic dislocation, particularly in Kurdish-majority areas and neighbourhoods affected by urban renewal. Pull factors include online Turkish-language propaganda, opposition to the Assad regime, and a specific focus on opposing the PKK. The report also details Ankara's response, including police outreach and Diyanet sermons, while noting the government's framing of the issue as a global problem driven by the Syrian regime and ineffective Western cooperation.

The document analyzes the rise of nonviolent resistance globally, noting that while it has historically outperformed violent resistance in achieving major political change, its effectiveness has declined since 2010. It argues that authoritarian regimes may be more fragile than they appear and suggests that non-traditional international support is more influential than direct state assistance for these movements.

The document examines Nationally Appropriate Mitigation Actions (NAMAs) as tools for developing countries to achieve mitigation and sustainable development goals. It highlights a significant gap between the high interest in NAMA development and the actual financial support provided, noting that less than 2% of requested support has been offered. The brief argues that the lack of official UNFCCC guidelines for stakeholder consultation and the absence of sector-specific environmental criteria—such as 'negative lists' to exclude harmful technologies—risk promoting 'greenwashing' and locking countries into high-carbon infrastructure. It recommends adopting universal safeguards, harmonized sustainable development assessments, and mandatory guidelines for effective stakeholder engagement, including indigenous peoples, to ensure NAMAs drive true transformational change.

The document evaluates the Green Climate Fund's (GCF) current standing by analyzing its strengths, such as its international credibility and USD 10 billion in pledges, against internal challenges like a lengthy decision-making cycle and a lack of defined portfolio targets. It draws comparative lessons from other climate funds (GEF, AF, CIFs) and global health funds (GAVI, Global Fund), suggesting that a 'vertical programmatic approach' could help mobilize stakeholders around tangible results. Key recommendations include strengthening country ownership through readiness support, standardizing investment criteria to improve comparability, and leveraging the Private Sector Facility to potentially become a leading green bond fund.

The document evaluates the Open Government Partnership (OGP) against other peer-review mechanisms like the APRM, UPR, and OECDA, highlighting the OGP's flexibility, civil society involvement, and potential for harmonisation with existing governance reviews to benefit African states.

The paper examines the dynamics of China-Africa economic cooperation, noting a significant increase in Chinese foreign direct investment (FDI) from $500 million in 2003 to nearly $15 billion by 2012. While acknowledging the role of Chinese firms in hiring local labour—such as the Chinese National Petroleum Corporation and Chinese National Minerals Corporation—the author highlights a lack of transparency regarding training, health, and environmental standards. The document reviews several academic and scientific initiatives, including the Confucius Institutes and the 20+20 Cooperation Plan, concluding that while these signal a move beyond purely commercial interests, they have often failed to yield tangible results. The author recommends the establishment of a tighter African regulatory framework and an autonomous monitoring mechanism to ensure sustainable and inclusive growth.

The document examines the AU Panel of the Wise (PoW) as a key pillar of the African Peace and Security Architecture (APSA), focusing on its use of preventive diplomacy in crisis-prone elections. It argues that while the PoW can attenuate violence and promote peaceful outcomes, such interventions often prioritize immediate peace over electoral legitimacy, potentially deferring structural conflicts to future cycles. The author emphasizes that the success of preventive diplomacy depends on the timing of 'early action' and the commitment of political stakeholders, noting that long-term governance transformation is necessary to resolve deep-rooted conflicts.

The Energy Savings Insurance (ESI) instrument is designed to stimulate energy efficiency investments by small and medium enterprises (SMEs) by mitigating the risk that actual energy savings fall below projections. A pilot in Mexico's agro-industry sector targets 10 fast-track projects valued at USD 2.14 million, utilizing a package of surety insurance, credit lines from FIRA, and third-party verification by ANCE. Financial modeling indicates that the ESI package can absorb 60-80% of the impact of underperformance on debt service repayments, significantly reducing risk for both equity investors and loan providers. The report proposes scaling the initiative to 6-14 additional Latin American and Caribbean countries through a regional facility, with further replication planned for China, India, Indonesia, and Africa, aiming for a global potential of USD 10-100 billion in investments by 2030.

The report argues that fossil-fuel subsidies disadvantage renewable energy by impairing its cost competitiveness, reinforcing incumbent fossil-fuel-based infrastructure, and distorting investment decisions. It details various subsidy mechanisms—including fuel input subsidies, funding of utility losses, and tax breaks—and highlights how these create an artificial advantage for thermal generation. The document also examines the role of underpriced externalities and the political economy of the energy sector in resisting reform. It concludes that reforming these subsidies is a priority for transitioning to a sustainable energy system, though it notes that governments often opt for 'second-best' renewable energy incentives instead of removing fossil-fuel supports.

The Green Climate Fund (GCF) has officially designated Ms. Amel Akremi, Deputy Director of the General Directorate of the Environment and the Quality of Life, as the Focal Point for Tunisia. This appointment is a prerequisite for Tunisia to access GCF resources. The GCF has offered to provide readiness and preparatory support, specifically to strengthen Tunisia's National Designated Authority (NDA) arrangements, upon request.

The emergence of the Islamic State represents a significant shift in global jihadism, offering a divisive alternative to al-Qaeda. Africa is particularly vulnerable due to the presence of established radical Islamist groups and the potential return of thousands of battle-hardened African fighters from Iraq and Syria. The document warns that the Islamic State's model of territorial occupation and its extreme ideology could destabilise several African regions, particularly North and West Africa. It argues that governments should avoid draconian counter-terrorism measures, which often fuel radicalisation, and instead pursue criminal justice-based approaches that address local drivers of discontent.

The paper argues that elections in Africa often trigger instability because they are primarily viewed as a means of accessing state resources. It suggests that stability requires 'inclusive political settlements' and a move away from 'electoral autocracy' where elections are used to consolidate power. The author emphasizes the need for credible Election Management Bodies (EMBs), legitimate domestic observation, and inclusive mediation mechanisms involving civil society and traditional leaders to prevent violence.

The document outlines CPI's approach to defining climate finance, distinguishing between project-level costs and revenues and broader whole-economy expenditures. It defines climate finance as the sum of total investment costs and public framework expenditures, explicitly excluding revenue support to avoid double counting. The brief also identifies three primary entry points for public intervention to close 'viability gaps'—the difference between total project costs and generated revenues—which include increasing revenues, reducing project costs, and improving the overall investment climate through framework expenditures.

The paper examines why elections in Africa often trigger violence and fail to legitimise power, attributing this to high stakes regarding access to state resources. It argues that technical fixes are insufficient and that stability requires inclusive political settlements, credible election management bodies (EMBs), and robust domestic observation and mediation systems involving civil society and traditional leaders.

The report examines the financing of Nationally Appropriate Mitigation Actions (NAMAs), emphasizing the need to move beyond reliance on international public funding toward leveraging private capital. It defines 'bankability' as the attractiveness of a project to investors based on its revenue-generating potential and provides a framework for designing such projects. Through eight case studies from countries including Morocco, Tunisia, and the Philippines, the document illustrates the roles of public-private partnerships (PPPs), the importance of implementing bodies (such as Special Purpose Vehicles), and the necessity of risk mitigation tools like partial credit guarantees and power purchase agreements. The report concludes with recommendations for NAMA developers to engage the private sector early in the design process and for international stakeholders to disseminate best practices in private funding.

The document analyzes National Councils for Sustainable Development (NCSDs) as mechanisms for stakeholder engagement in national sustainable development strategies (NSDSs). It categorizes NCSDs by membership—government-only, mixed, or non-governmental—and evaluates the strengths and challenges of each. The briefing identifies key success factors, such as the appointment of independent chairs and the maintenance of a 'critical friend' relationship with government, while detailing the core functions of NCSDs in strategy creation, policy implementation, monitoring, and international outreach.

The paper examines the tension between 'positive' and 'negative' governance values in Africa. While the African Union has established comprehensive frameworks like the APRM and ACDEG to promote transparency, accountability, and human rights, the author argues that a lack of political will and moral leadership hinders their implementation. The document highlights persistent issues such as systemic corruption, political clientelism, the marginalisation of women, and electoral manipulation, while noting that a small group of countries has made significant progress toward democratic governance.

The report examines the challenges and mechanisms for attracting private capital to climate finance, noting that private funding is nearly three times larger than public funding but remains difficult to channel toward adaptation in developing countries. It identifies political, project-related, and financing barriers—particularly in Africa—and suggests a combination of policy reforms and financial instruments like loan guarantees and pledge funds to mitigate risk. The Green Climate Fund (GCF) is highlighted as a central vehicle for achieving the $100 billion annual target by 2020, though it must address the funding gap between mitigation and adaptation.