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The report identifies a 'cusp group' comprising 23% of sub-Saharan Africa's population who earn $2-$5 per day and straddle formal and informal economies. It analyzes three distinct credit market 'faces': South Africa is 'Stuck' due to aggressive formal lending and high indebtedness; Kenya is 'Uncertain' as it transitions from traditional loans to rapid, short-term digital lending; and Ghana is 'Squeezed' by macroeconomic instability and high costs that limit formal credit access. The document argues that 'healthy' credit markets must be accessible, robust, diverse, and value-adding to prevent over-indebtedness while enabling asset accumulation. It recommends that regulators improve market monitoring, invest in digital identification, and introduce mechanisms like 'learner's licenses' for credit to protect vulnerable borrowers.

Togo has significantly reduced piracy since 2012 through increased naval patrols and international cooperation, recording no acts of piracy in 2015. However, the country faces ongoing challenges, including a struggling fisheries sector plagued by overfishing and poor resources, and an international ship registry that provides few local jobs and is linked to illicit fishing. While the Autonomous Port of Lomé maintains ISPS Code compliance and serves as a key transit hub for landlocked countries like Burkina Faso, it suffers from space constraints and poor internal road infrastructure. To sustain security, Togo established the National Organisation for State Action at Sea (NOSAS) in 2014, though hierarchical ambiguities persist between the maritime prefect and the advisor for the sea.

The document examines the African Union's (AU) efforts to 'Africanise' its maritime domain through AIMS 2050, specifically by proposing a continental cabotage regime to reduce foreign dominance in intra-African shipping. While proponents argue this would create jobs and economic independence, the paper identifies significant barriers, including inadequate port infrastructure, a lack of skilled seafarers, and limited political will, as evidenced by the low ratification rates of the African Maritime Transport Charter. It further analyzes the legal complexities regarding World Trade Organization (WTO) regulations and concludes that the proposed regime is currently 'ahead of schedule' due to the absence of necessary industrial and governance preconditions.

The document reviews Ghana's climate risk profile, noting that while it is less vulnerable than some West African neighbors, the northern regions face high risks due to poverty and reliance on rain-fed agriculture. It evaluates national policies like the National Climate Change Policy (2014) and the National Climate Change Adaptation Strategy (2010–2020), finding that while these provide a framework, sectoral policies—particularly in agriculture and health—often lack concrete adaptation actions. The review identifies a strong concentration of adaptation projects in the agricultural sector, primarily in northern Ghana, and notes that while Ghana is a significant recipient of bilateral adaptation funds in Sub-Saharan Africa, there is a gap in funding for the water, fisheries, and health sectors.

The assembly brought together approximately 55 representatives from ministries, donors, and civil society to discuss the PNACC, which was slated for finalization in early 2017. The event focused on transitioning from sector-specific to multi-sectoral climate approaches and mapping current and future activities of technical and financial partners (PTFs) across six priority vulnerable sectors: energy, agriculture, human settlements and health, water resources, coastal erosion, and land use/forestry. Participants agreed on the need to finalize activity mapping to revise the PNACC budget and ensure its integration into the National Development Plan (2018-2022).

The report outlines a framework for financing the implementation of National Adaptation Plans (NAPs), focusing on three primary sources: domestic public budgets, international public funds, and private sector investment. It emphasizes the role of NAPs in articulating priorities to secure funding and highlights the necessity of integrating adaptation into national planning and budgeting cycles. Key discussions include the use of fiscal instruments to raise domestic revenue, the challenges of tracking adaptation finance, the process of developing 'bankable' project pipelines for international funds, and the public sector's role in creating an enabling environment for private investment.

The document presents the Transnational Climate Impacts (TCI) Index, which measures country-level exposure to climate risks transmitted across borders. It identifies four primary risk pathways—biophysical, finance, people, and trade—and argues that globalization makes even wealthy, low-vulnerability countries susceptible to transnational climate shocks. The authors advocate for integrating these risks into national adaptation plans and UNFCCC processes to enhance global cooperation and adaptation finance.

Friends of the Earth Africa criticizes the draft Paris agreement for failing to provide adequate resources for adaptation, ignoring climate debt, and promoting market-based mechanisms like REDD that may facilitate land grabs. The organization warns that the current trajectory could lead to 5 to 8 degrees of warming in Africa, causing systemic ecological collapse and mass casualties.

The briefing argues that carbon markets have historically failed to increase climate commitments and have often undermined emissions reductions through 'hot air' loopholes. It recommends that the Paris agreement prevent double counting, ensure that international trading is supplementary to ambitious domestic action, and restrict market mechanisms to countries with adequate carbon budgets. The text notes a shift from a single global UN-led market toward a fragmented landscape of national and regional initiatives, while advocating for a transition from carbon offsets toward direct financial support for climate actions in developing countries.

The document critiques industrial agriculture as a primary driver of climate change and social inequality, while presenting agroecology as a viable, small-scale alternative. It specifically attacks 'Climate Smart Agriculture' (CSA) as a corporate-led 'false solution' designed to greenwash industrial practices. The text advocates for a transition toward food sovereignty and the relocalisation of food systems, highlighting the role of women and traditional knowledge in building climate resilience.

The document contrasts industrial agribusiness with agroecology, asserting that the former is a primary driver of climate change and social inequality. It dismisses 'climate-smart agriculture' as a marketing tool for corporations to maintain power structures without addressing the root causes of the climate crisis. Instead, it advocates for a transition to agroecology, which supports small-scale producers, protects biodiversity, and enhances climate resilience. The text highlights the role of women and traditional knowledge in this transition and calls for public policies that shift resources away from industrial meat and crop production toward food sovereignty.

A coalition of 98 global entities argues that the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) fails to comply with international human rights obligations, specifically those recognized in the 2010 Cancun Agreements. The letter calls for the establishment of an independent accountability mechanism, the adoption of international sustainable development safeguards, and the implementation of improved stakeholder consultation processes to prevent environmental and social harms.

The NAP Global Network is a practitioner-oriented group established in December 2014 to coordinate bilateral official development assistance (ODA) for National Adaptation Plans (NAPs) in developing countries. It focuses on bridging the gap between bilateral donors and in-country actors to ensure climate adaptation support aligns with national development priorities. The Network provides peer learning through Targeted Topics Forums (TTFs) and acts as a liaison to avoid duplication of efforts among donors. It distinguishes itself from other initiatives by specifically targeting bilateral support, which the document notes constituted USD 11.28 billion in adaptation-related ODA in 2013, significantly more than multilateral support.

The EERA project in Benin, Mali, and Togo focused on creating a 'Smart Energy Path' by strengthening institutional capacities and implementing multi-sectoral, participatory decision-making. The three countries prioritize collective energy services—those benefiting health, education, and water access—over individual household energy to drive poverty alleviation. However, the document notes that renewable energy adoption has not been fast-tracked, partly due to a lack of reliable data on energy efficiency and climate vulnerability. Additionally, as these countries decentralize power, the report emphasizes the need for regulatory frameworks to define the role of subnational governments in energy policy.

The report details the application of the Smart Energy Path methodology in Benin, Mali, and Togo, emphasizing a multi-sectoral, participatory approach to energy planning. It highlights the vulnerability of these countries' energy systems to climate change and argues for prioritizing collective energy services—such as those for health and education—over individual household electrification. The project utilized the TIPEE multidimensional assessment tool to identify gaps in energy policy and data, concluding that inclusive governance involving non-energy sectors is essential for creating resilient and sustainable energy frameworks.

The report details strategies for achieving political commitment to National Adaptation Plans (NAPs) and explores various pathways for integrating adaptation into sectoral policies. It emphasizes the necessity of strong in-country coordination, the use of clear narratives to engage powerful ministries, and the role of south-south cooperation in building technical capacity.

The report details strategies for achieving political commitment and sectoral integration in National Adaptation Plan (NAP) processes, based on a workshop with representatives from 14 countries. It identifies three dimensions of political support—expressed, institutional, and budgetary—and proposes framing adaptation as complementary to existing development goals to avoid 'initiative overload'. The document outlines a spectrum of integration approaches, ranging from sector-driven to nationally-driven, and emphasizes the necessity of strong in-country coordination and south-south cooperation to ensure climate-resilient development.

The Green Climate Fund (GCF) reports progress on its Readiness and Preparatory Support Programme, which aims to assist developing countries in accessing Fund resources. Between 28 April and 18 June 2015, the total number of nominated national designated authorities (NDAs) or focal points rose to 127, and the total number of readiness requests reached 74. The Secretariat finalized grant agreements totaling US$ 1.9 million for seven countries: Comoros, Dominican Republic, Ethiopia, Federated States of Micronesia, Rwanda, Thailand, and Togo. The programme operates across five activity areas, including NDA strengthening, strategic framework development, accreditation support, project pipeline creation, and information sharing. Capacity-building efforts include regional workshops in El Salvador and South Korea, with future events planned for Fiji and Egypt, as well as headquarters visits for delegations from Mongolia and Fiji. The GCF is also coordinating with partners such as UNDP, UNEP, and the African Development Bank to ensure complementarity in readiness support.

The report outlines the priorities for the June 2015 AU summit, noting that the official theme of women's empowerment is likely to be overshadowed by urgent crises. Key concerns include the high death toll of African migrants crossing the Mediterranean from Libya, xenophobic violence in South Africa, and the instability in Burundi caused by President Pierre Nkurunziza's third-term bid. It also examines the AU's role in mediating conflicts in South Sudan and Libya, the challenges of establishing an African Standby Force, and the broader struggle for continental economic and political integration.

The policy brief examines the link between presidential term extensions and political instability in Africa, citing coups in Burkina Faso and Burundi as evidence. It argues that the African Union (AU) has been too reactive, focusing on suspending governments after coups rather than preventing the constitutional manipulations that trigger them. The author calls for the AU to formalize presidential term limits within its governance architecture, specifically suggesting amendments to the AU Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance. The brief recommends that 'anchor states' like South Africa, Nigeria, and Kenya use preventive diplomacy to discourage term extensions, noting that such practices undermine the goals of Agenda 2063 and regional security.