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The report projects Togo's development to 2043, highlighting a transition toward solar energy and urbanisation, while noting that population growth may outpace poverty reduction on the current path. It assesses how targeted improvements in agriculture, trade, and governance could significantly boost GDP per capita and reduce extreme poverty, though such growth is linked to increased carbon emissions.

The document serves as a formal disclosure of environmental and social safeguard documents for a GCF-funded project in Togo. It identifies the project as 'Category B' and lists the specific locations and dates where the Environmental and Social Impact Assessment (ESIA), Environmental and Social Management Plans (ESMPs), and Local Communities Plan (LCP) were made available to stakeholders across the Maritime, Centrale, Kara, and Savanes regions.

Togo's LT-LEDS 2025-2060 aims for carbon neutrality by 2060 through a 'conforming' scenario, focusing on the AFAT (Agriculture, Forestry, and Other Land Use) and Energy sectors. The strategy requires an estimated investment of 11,920.59 billion FCFA (19.87 billion USD), with 67% allocated to mitigation and 28% to adaptation. Key goals include increasing forest cover to 30% by 2050 and achieving 75% renewable energy in the energy mix by 2060. The document also details a comprehensive adaptation plan for sectors including health, water resources, and coastal zones, while integrating gender equity and social inclusion into climate action.

The Sahel region is experiencing a major geopolitical shift as Mali, Niger, and Burkina Faso have formed the Alliance of Sahel States (AES) and severed ties with the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS). This move reflects deep-seated anti-French and anti-EU sentiment, driven by perceptions of neo-colonialism and a focus on security and migration over socio-economic development. As the EU's influence wanes, Russia has expanded its presence through military cooperation and strategic economic interests, including potential control over Niger's uranium. The author argues that the EU and ECOWAS must move away from punitive sanctions and colonial-era approaches toward equal partnerships and dialogue to maintain stability and influence in the region.

The proposal addresses the rapid growth of GHG emissions in Togo's transport sector, which increased 278% between 1995 and 2018. It identifies critical gaps including weak legal frameworks, poor institutional coordination, and a lack of technical expertise at national and local levels. The proposed 24-month intervention focuses on establishing a coordination mechanism, developing a stakeholder engagement plan, enhancing the capacity of ministries to evaluate emissions and design low-emission mobility plans, and creating a sustainable financial strategy to attract private investment. Key activities include urban planning evaluations for five major cities, the development of a low-emission roadmap for the Ministry of Energy, and an awareness campaign to improve public perception of low-carbon transport.

The proposal seeks USD 2,499,426 over 36 months to address the centralized nature of Togo's 2018 National Adaptation Plan (NAP). It aims to downscale adaptation planning to the regional level, specifically targeting the agriculture, water, and forestry sectors. Key objectives include establishing Regional Adaptation Plans (RAPs), creating a national knowledge management system for climate change adaptation, and developing a National Strategy for Private Sector Engagement. The project also intends to operationalize the National Investment Fund for Climate and Sustainable Development and develop a system for tracking adaptation finance to reduce reliance on international grants.

The project aims to establish a comprehensive multi-risk early warning system in Togo, targeting 100% of the population (approximately 8.28 million direct beneficiaries). It addresses critical gaps in hydrometeorological monitoring, data processing, and dissemination. The initiative is structured around four components: institutional development, operational capacity improvement for monitoring agencies, infrastructure modernization (including low-cost automated weather stations), and the creation of a sustainable financial framework involving public-private partnerships. The project seeks $10 million in GCF grants with an equal amount in co-financing for a total cost of $20 million over four years.

Togo's revised NDCs aim for a total greenhouse gas (GHG) emission reduction of 50.57% by 2030 compared to a reference scenario, consisting of a 20.51% unconditional target and a 30.06% conditional target. The plan prioritizes the energy, agriculture, forestry, and waste sectors for mitigation, while focusing on food security, water management, and coastal protection for adaptation. Implementing these goals requires an estimated total investment of 5.48 billion USD, with 78% of the funding needed as international conditional support. The document also outlines a national Measurement, Reporting, and Verification (MRV) system and a communication strategy to increase public awareness and local ownership of climate actions.

The report outlines the environmental and social safeguard compliance for a public hydro-agricultural project in Niger, managed by the Banque Ouest Africaine de Développement (BOAD). It confirms the project's classification as Category B and lists the disclosure of key management frameworks, including the Environmental and Social Management Framework (ESMF) and an Integrated Pest and Pesticide Management Plan.

The document provides a comprehensive directory of stakeholders involved in Togo's renewable energy landscape. It lists government bodies responsible for policy and regulation, private companies providing technical support and EPC services, NGOs promoting sustainable energy, academic institutions offering training, and international partners and financial institutions providing funding and technical assistance.

The report analyzes the gender-specific vulnerabilities in Togo's climate-sensitive sectors and provides a framework for integrating gender into the National Adaptation Plan (NAP). It identifies systemic barriers, such as limited land rights and low literacy for women, and recommends sex-disaggregated indicators and inclusive decision-making across agriculture, water, energy, and health sectors.

Togo has significantly reduced piracy since 2012 through increased naval patrols and international cooperation, recording no acts of piracy in 2015. However, the country faces ongoing challenges, including a struggling fisheries sector plagued by overfishing and poor resources, and an international ship registry that provides few local jobs and is linked to illicit fishing. While the Autonomous Port of Lomé maintains ISPS Code compliance and serves as a key transit hub for landlocked countries like Burkina Faso, it suffers from space constraints and poor internal road infrastructure. To sustain security, Togo established the National Organisation for State Action at Sea (NOSAS) in 2014, though hierarchical ambiguities persist between the maritime prefect and the advisor for the sea.

The assembly brought together approximately 55 representatives from ministries, donors, and civil society to discuss the PNACC, which was slated for finalization in early 2017. The event focused on transitioning from sector-specific to multi-sectoral climate approaches and mapping current and future activities of technical and financial partners (PTFs) across six priority vulnerable sectors: energy, agriculture, human settlements and health, water resources, coastal erosion, and land use/forestry. Participants agreed on the need to finalize activity mapping to revise the PNACC budget and ensure its integration into the National Development Plan (2018-2022).

The report examines the political impasse in Togo ahead of the 2015 elections, highlighting the failure to implement the 2006 Global Political Agreement. It details the dominance of the Union for the Republic (UNIR) party, the fragmentation of the opposition, and the perceived bias of electoral institutions. Additionally, it addresses underlying socio-economic tensions and the role of the international community in attempting to mediate the crisis.

The document warns that Togo faces a potential election crisis if the 2006 Global Political Agreement (GPA) reforms are not consensually implemented. Despite dialogue led by Archbishop Nicodème Barrigah and US Ambassador Robert Whitehead, fundamental disputes remain over the composition of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), electoral boundaries, the voting system, and presidential term limits. The July 2013 parliamentary elections exacerbated tensions, as the ruling Union for the Republic (UNIR) won an absolute majority of 62 out of 91 seats despite receiving fewer total votes (880,000) than the combined opposition (900,000). The author argues that without urgent intervention from national actors and international facilitators like Burkina Faso's President Blaise Compaoré, the opposition may resort to street protests.

The report examines the ICT and Internet policy landscape in Togo, highlighting a history of political instability that hindered early policy development. Through surveys and workshops, it identifies critical needs for affordable broadband, cyber security laws, and inclusive multistakeholder dialogue. It argues that the Internet can drive sustainable development in Togo's phosphate and agriculture sectors if supported by proactive government coordination and private sector investment.

The document analyzes the NEPAD African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM), detailing its five-stage review process, its organizational structure involving the APR Forum and Panel of Eminent Persons, and its complex relationship with the African Union. It highlights the tension between political governance review and economic governance, the role of partner institutions like the UNECA and the African Commission on Human and Peoples' Rights, and the challenges of financing and institutional capacity in ensuring the mechanism's efficacy.

The document argues that youth combatants in Sierra Leone often exercise 'tactical agency', choosing to join militias not only through coercion but as a rational response to systemic marginalization. It identifies three primary constraints: economic collapse and the failure of patronage systems; the destruction of educational infrastructure; and political exclusion by traditional elders and the state. The author notes that these same root causes make demobilized youth susceptible to re-conscription if Disarmament, Demobilisation and Reintegration (DDR) programmes fail to provide sustainable livelihood and educational alternatives.