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The report identifies that while the EU's 'Everything But Arms' (EBA) policy has removed tariffs and quotas for Bangladesh, SMEs still face significant non-tariff barriers. Technical Barriers to Trade (TBT), including standards and certification, are the most dominant obstacles across all four studied sectors. Government-related administrative procedures and strict rules of origin also hinder trade, particularly in the knitwear and pharmaceutical industries. The study concludes that without capacity-building and technical assistance, SMEs will struggle to utilize duty-free trade regimes.

This policy brief examines China's expanding economic role in the Mekong region, specifically its investments in natural resources, energy, and infrastructure in Vietnam, Laos, and Cambodia. It highlights China's strategic shift toward securing foreign resources to fuel its domestic industrial growth and the resulting environmental and social challenges in host countries.

The document analyzes the responses of ASEAN nations to US tariffs imposed in April 2025. Most members, including Indonesia, Malaysia, Thailand, and Vietnam, have prioritized negotiation over retaliation due to high export dependence on the US market. Strategies include individual bilateral discussions, a coordinated regional response led by Malaysia (the 2025 ASEAN chair), diversification via the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) and BRICS, and internal economic support packages, such as Thailand's 15 billion USD stimulus.

The Indo-Pacific Economic Framework for Prosperity (IPEF) is a flexible economic initiative involving the United States and 13 other nations, organized around four pillars: connected, resilient, clean, and fair economies. Unlike traditional free trade agreements, IPEF avoids tariff liberalization, which has led to criticisms regarding the lack of U.S. concessions and concerns over the long-term commitment of partners like India. Early ministerial meetings have highlighted tensions over the adoption of high standards, with countries such as Malaysia and Japan requesting transition periods, while the U.S. focuses on digital standards and industrial decarbonization as key areas of influence.

The document lists the top 15 oil palm-producing countries as of 2016, including major producers such as Indonesia, Malaysia, and Papua New Guinea, while categorizing them based on harvest area and VSS compliance.

The document argues that the effectiveness of global climate finance depends on democratic governance at the local level. It references experiences with the Adaptation Fund in Senegal, the Clean Development Mechanism in Chile, Thailand, the Philippines, and South Africa, and REDD in Brazil, Cameroon, Peru, and Tanzania to illustrate governance challenges and best practices.

The NAP Global Network's Targeted Topics Forums (TTFs) are a series of workshops that bring together representatives from developing countries and development cooperation agencies to exchange lessons on technical aspects of the National Adaptation Planning (NAP) process. Unlike one-off workshops, TTFs use a sustained peer learning model, reconvening the same cohorts of international specialists to build a supportive community. Each forum is structured around three pillars: technical inputs from experts, relational opportunities for peer sharing, and reflexive opportunities for countries to apply inputs to their own contexts. Current focus areas include building political support, cross-sectoral integration, financing implementation, and monitoring and evaluation. The Network also provides a Country Support Hub for submitting questions and advice on the NAP process.

The document outlines strategies for using biocultural community protocols to establish dialogue with external stakeholders, raise awareness internally and externally, and participate in legal and administrative decision-making processes. It emphasizes the use of participatory communication tools—such as video, photography, and community mapping—to balance power dynamics and ensure Free, Prior and Informed Consent (FPIC). The guide also provides practical advice on navigating national and international legal frameworks, negotiating binding agreements, and resolving conflicts through non-violent, alternative dispute resolution mechanisms.

The document outlines a framework for using biocultural community protocols to manage interactions with governments, companies, and NGOs. It details methods for establishing dialogue, raising awareness through participatory media, and engaging in impact assessments and international legal processes. It emphasizes the right to Free, Prior, and Informed Consent (FPIC) and provides guidance on conflict resolution and responding to human rights violations.

The submission argues that indigenous peoples and local communities (IPLCs) are the most effective guardians of biodiversity, yet they face systemic threats including non-recognition of land rights, 'fortress conservation' models, and violence against land defenders. It provides global case studies of successful community-led conservation and calls for a shift toward rights-based conservation, secure tenure, and the protection of environmental defenders.

The document explains how international law, primarily through the Convention on Biological Diversity (CBD), protects traditional knowledge and customary sustainable use of biodiversity. It details the obligations of CBD Parties under Articles 8(j) and 10(c), outlines voluntary instruments like the Akwé: Kon Guidelines and the Tkarihwaié:ri Code of Ethical Conduct, and discusses other frameworks such as UNDRIP and ILO 169. The guide highlights opportunities for communities to advocate for broader rights and challenges such as the restrictive 'compatibility' requirements for legal protection.

The document serves as a guide for indigenous peoples and local communities to understand their rights and responsibilities under international frameworks regarding biodiversity. It focuses heavily on the Convention on Biological Diversity (CBD), particularly Articles 8(j) and 10(c), which mandate that parties respect, preserve, and maintain traditional knowledge and encourage customary use of biological resources. The guide outlines various voluntary instruments, such as the Akwé: Kon Guidelines and the Tkarihwaié:ri Ethical Code of Conduct, and discusses other relevant frameworks from the FAO, ILO, and UN. It also identifies key challenges, such as the restrictive nature of 'compatibility' requirements for conservation and the lack of clarity regarding intellectual property rights.

The document analyzes the strategic importance of Myanmar's offshore natural gas reserves, particularly the Shwe field, in the context of energy security for China, India, and Thailand. It details how the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) utilizes these resources to secure foreign investment and military aid, thereby undermining Western sanctions and delaying democratic reforms. The text highlights a specific rivalry between China and India over pipeline routes, noting China's success in securing a pipeline to Kunming and its broader strategic goal of bypassing the Strait of Malacca. Additionally, it examines the role of other regional actors and the regime's efforts to diversify its dependencies through cooperation with Russia and South Korea.

The report finds that 2025 was the third most violent year since 1989, with 245,000 battle-related deaths. It highlights a record high of 65 state-based conflicts and a concerning doubling of international conflicts to eight in 2025. While non-state conflicts decreased slightly, one-sided violence surged to 76,500 fatalities, primarily driven by massacres in Sudan.

The research demonstrates that states experiencing civil wars are significantly more likely to be involved in militarized interstate disputes (MIDs). Using data from 1946 to 2001, the authors find that this 'civil peace' effect is comparable in magnitude to the 'democratic peace' effect. Analysis of over 400 MIDs reveals that the increased risk is driven by states attempting to influence the outcome of civil wars through direct intervention, externalization (such as cross-border counter-insurgency), and unintended spillovers, rather than by opportunistic attacks on weakened states or diversionary wars to consolidate domestic power.

The Strategies of Resistance Data Project (SRDP) provides a global dataset of 1,124 organizations involved in self-determination disputes between 1960 and 2005. Unlike previous datasets that focus on mass campaigns or violent actors, SRDP uses the organization as the unit of analysis to track tactical shifts. Findings indicate that nonviolent tactics are more common than violence in these movements, and organizations are more likely to switch from violence to nonviolence than vice versa.

The authors present the During-Conflict Justice (DCJ) dataset, which catalogues 2,205 justice processes across 204 internal armed conflicts in 108 countries between 1946 and 2011. The research identifies that DCJ is a common tool, appearing in over 60% of conflicts since WWII, with governments being the primary adopters (70.4%). The study finds that democratic governments are more likely to use DCJ, particularly trials, truth commissions, and reparations, compared to autocracies. Rebel groups tend to use DCJ more frequently when fighting democracies and as their own relative military strength increases. Analysis suggests that government-initiated DCJ is correlated with a reduction in battle deaths in the following year and a higher likelihood of the conflict ending in a negotiated settlement rather than a military victory.

The author examines the challenges of gathering data on sexual violence in war, noting that it is often used as a political tool to demoralize enemies and reinforce masculinity. The text highlights historical examples from Nanking, Berlin, Rwanda, and Bosnia to illustrate the systemic nature of these crimes. It argues that current data collection is hindered by victim stigma, lack of uniform definitions, and poor baseline data. To move from 'overview to insight,' the author suggests that researchers must analyze how sexual violence interacts with national and gender identities, noting that victims who view themselves as 'ethnic victims' often find more social support than those who view themselves as 'female victims.'

The document analyzes conflict dynamics in Asia from 1989 to 2019 using UCDP data. It finds that while state-based conflicts are generally declining and often low-intensity, Afghanistan remains a critical exception and the most violent setting in the region and the world. Asia recorded the highest absolute number of ceasefires globally between 1989 and 2018, but peace agreements have declined since 2006. Non-state conflicts in Asia are declining, contrary to global trends, while one-sided violence is generally decreasing but saw a recent increase in 2019 driven by Afghanistan.

The authors examine the Patani conflict in Southern Thailand to illustrate how the 'jihadist' label can misinterpret local political struggles. They argue that while religion is a key motivating factor, it is intertwined with ethnic Malay identity and nationalistic goals of independence from the Thai state. The paper rejects the notion that the insurgency is driven by transnational Salafi-Jihadism or groups like ISIS, asserting instead that the conflict is driven by a 'nation-oriented' rationale rooted in local grievances and historical colonization.