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The PURE Rural Mozambique Climate Project seeks EUR 37.415 million from the Green Climate Fund to implement 30–40 solar-powered mini-grids and 300–400 climate-smart PURE solutions. The project focuses on strengthening the institutional capacity of Mozambique's National Energy Fund (FUNAE), developing a pipeline of investment-ready projects, and using Results-Based Financing (RBF) to catalyze private sector investment. It targets 66,200 direct and 158,800 indirect beneficiaries, aiming to reduce GHG emissions by 399,131.26 tCO2eq over 25 years while improving rural livelihoods against climate hazards like droughts and cyclones.

The document serves as a practical toolkit for Mozambican communities to safeguard traditional knowledge through legal mechanisms like Geographic Indicators (GIs) and Access and Benefit Sharing (ABS) regulations. It details the process of forming producer associations for GI registration, negotiating Prior Informed Consent (PIC) for research, and developing Community Protocols to govern interactions with outsiders. The guide emphasizes the role of knowledge holders in maintaining secrecy and the importance of tiered cost-sharing models to make legal protections accessible to vulnerable community members.

The report finds that Mozambique lacks a functional, dedicated regulatory framework for protecting traditional knowledge associated with biological resources, though it possesses a fragmented system of biodiversity, forestry, and intellectual property laws. While Decree 19/2007 serves as the primary instrument for access and benefit-sharing (ABS), its implementation has been hindered by resource constraints and a lack of political impetus. The document highlights a current review of this decree and the potential for a new traditional knowledge database to address existing gaps. It also identifies significant barriers to community-led protection, including high poverty levels, weak community institutions, and a widespread lack of legal awareness among local populations.

The report details systemic abuses by VALE Moçambique, including forced displacements of thousands of families, police violence against protesters, and severe environmental pollution. It highlights the lack of fair compensation for local brickmakers and farmers, the contamination of water and air exceeding international limits, and the company's refusal to disclose environmental monitoring reports despite court orders. The text argues that these extractive activities exacerbate the climate crisis in a region already vulnerable to extreme weather events.

The report documents a pattern of violence, land-grabbing, and pollution associated with VALE Moçambique's Moatize coal mine and Nacala Logistics Corridor. It details the forced resettlement of thousands of families, the use of state police to repress protesters, and severe health crises resulting from air and water pollution. The document also highlights VALE's legal battles to avoid disclosing environmental monitoring reports and its planned sale of assets to Vulcan Minerals.

The document examines the impacts of Cyclone Idai, Tropical Storm Chalane, and Cyclone Eloise on Mozambique, specifically the city of Beira. It analyzes the role of green and grey infrastructure in disaster mitigation, evaluates the 'Building Beira Back Better' (BBBB) strategy, and highlights the critical need for improved early warning systems and sustainable waste management to maintain urban drainage functionality.

The document analyzes the difficulties of creating sustainable horizontal linkages in Mozambique, where a weak manufacturing base and low human capital hinder the ability of local SMEs to diversify beyond specific 'megaprojects'. While the Mozlink II program generated USD 53 million in incremental sales for SMEs, many firms became overly specialized and dependent on the Mozal smelter, failing to transfer skills to other sectors. The study highlights that supplier development programs are insufficient without a broader strategy to address systemic constraints such as lack of access to finance, low educational attainment, and a policy environment biased toward foreign investment.

The document examines Mozambique's reliance on FDI and overseas development assistance (ODA) for post-war reconstruction. While megaprojects in extractives and infrastructure have driven GDP growth, the paper highlights a disconnect between this growth and human development indicators. It analyzes the legal frameworks governing mining and hydrocarbons, the impact of coal and natural gas projects, and the challenges of agricultural development through initiatives like ProSAVANA. The author argues for leveraging the technology and infrastructure of the extractive sector to support agriculture and local community prosperity.

The document advocates for a legally binding UN treaty to hold transnational corporations (TNCs) accountable for human rights and environmental abuses. It highlights the failure of voluntary corporate social responsibility codes and the misuse of bilateral investment treaties (BITs) and Investor-State Dispute Settlement (ISDS) mechanisms to challenge public health and environmental laws. Through case studies in Latin America and Africa, it illustrates how TNCs operate with impunity due to gaps in national legal systems and the lack of extraterritorial obligations for home states.

The document examines the challenges and opportunities for local and regional firms in the construction of rail infrastructure for coal exploitation in Tete, Mozambique. It finds that lead firms typically prefer multinational corporations, which hinders local capacity building, and suggests that the Mozambican government should partner with South African firms to develop civil construction capabilities and training facilities.

The document examines Mozambique's transition from civil war to sustainable peace, focusing on five key areas: disarmament, demobilisation and reintegration (DDR), economic and social development, decentralisation, justice, and natural resource investment. It argues that while government planning capacity has increased, implementation and monitoring remain weak, and short-term political gains often override long-term stability. The paper highlights the critical role of civil society in filling gaps left by the state and international actors, and warns that the management of new natural gas wealth and high national debt could either consolidate peace or fuel renewed conflict.

The statement criticizes the impunity of transnational corporations, specifically Vale, BHP, and SAMARCO, following a catastrophic dam collapse on the Rio Doce watershed in Brazil. It highlights the failure of voluntary corporate social responsibility measures and calls on the UN to move beyond voluntary guidelines toward a legally binding treaty for corporate accountability.

The report examines the tension between Mozambique's progressive legal frameworks, such as the 1997 Land Law, and a state tendency toward recentralization and the prioritization of extractive industries. While laws recognize customary land rights (DUAT), implementation is often hindered by bureaucratic hurdles, flawed community consultation processes, and legislation that gives mining operations priority over other land uses. The document highlights the failure of community-based natural resource management (CBNRM) initiatives like Tchuma Tchato due to lack of genuine power devolution and the negative social impacts of large-scale resettlement projects, such as those led by Vale in Tete Province.

The paper identifies critical gaps in Mozambique's environmental licensing for the oil and gas sector, specifically regarding the quality of Environmental Impact Assessments (EIAs), compliance with Environmental Management Plans (EMPs), and post-licensing transparency. It attributes these failures to the limited technical capacity of the Ministry for the Co-ordination of Environmental Affairs (MICOA). To address this without new legislation, the author proposes implementing peer review systems for assessments, establishing Expert Technical Councils (ETCs) for implementation oversight, and adopting biodiversity offsets to achieve no net loss of biodiversity. The author argues that these improvements would benefit the state, local communities, and companies by reducing social conflict and aligning with international financial standards like the Equator Principles.

The document examines the expansion of transport infrastructure in central and northern Mozambique, driven largely by foreign investment in the mining and energy sectors. It argues that while public-private partnerships could improve connectivity, the current trend of foreign companies building infrastructure for their own export needs risks creating 'enclave' developments with limited trickle-down benefits for local populations. The authors highlight a lack of coherent state planning, weak local capacity, and regional frictions—particularly with South Africa—that hinder the potential for these projects to foster genuine regional integration and national economic growth.

The paper identifies six primary risk factors for conflict in Mozambique: history of violence and political party dynamics, geographic distribution, poverty and inequality, expectations, corruption, and the cost of extraction. While the authors conclude that full-scale civil war is improbable, they warn of a high likelihood of periodic pockets of violence, particularly in resource-rich regions where political opposition is strong and local populations feel marginalised.

JA! / Friends of the Earth Mozambique reports a decline in civil society space and an increase in human rights violations in 2013. The organization highlights ongoing struggles against land-grabbing by ProSavana and Wambao agriculture, the displacement of communities due to coal mining in Tete province, and opposition to REDD projects in Africa. The statement also denounces the government's crackdown on press freedom and critical opinion, specifically citing the criminal proceedings against academic Carlos Nuno Castel-Branco and media outlets Canal de Moçambique and Mediafax.

Amigos da Terra Mozambique / JA! reports a deterioration of human rights and civil liberties in Mozambique throughout 2013, highlighting land grabbing, environmental destruction, and government repression of dissent. The organization details its opposition to specific projects like ProSavana and REDD, while calling for social and environmental justice and the protection of freedom of expression.

The report examines the socio-economic importance of small-scale fisheries in Mozambique, which support approximately 334,000 people. It analyzes the pressures on the sector, including internal issues like overfishing and illegal 'chicocota' netting, and external pressures from the expansion of coal and gas extractive industries, tourism-driven marine protected areas, and climate change. The document evaluates the effectiveness of co-management through Community Fisheries Councils (CCPs) and recommends improving financial transparency, community involvement in environmental impact assessments, and adaptive governance to enhance resilience against climate-related hazards.

The relationship between Mozambique and Malawi has historically been marked by distrust, peaking during the second term of Malawi's President Bingu wa Mutharika. However, since President Joyce Banda took office in April 2012, relations have warmed, leading to the revival of critical infrastructure projects like the Interconnector Project and the Nacala Development Corridor. The document argues that mutual economic interdependency, particularly Malawi's need for sea access and energy security, provides a foundation for sustained stability.