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The document provides a historical analysis of youth involvement in Mozambique's political change, arguing that young people have often been the 'engine for change' but have also been subject to systemic exploitation and manipulation. It traces the shift from youth seeking economic autonomy through migrant labour during Portuguese colonialism to their role as ideological tools for Frelimo's socialist project after independence. The text highlights the blurred lines between civilian and military roles during the civil war, specifically challenging the narrative that only Renamo used child soldiers by documenting Frelimo's forced recruitment and deceptive schooling programmes. It concludes that while youth were central to the nation's formation, contemporary Mozambican youth feel unheard and marginalized by the current regime.

The document argues that while HIV/AIDS creates significant humanitarian challenges for children in Southern Africa, the predicted link between orphaning and widespread social instability is speculative. It highlights the resilience of traditional extended family and community safety nets, while noting that poverty is a more primary driver of vulnerability than orphanhood alone. The authors advocate for a shift from needs-based to rights-based interventions that strengthen family-based care and provide psychosocial support to prevent long-term trauma.

The document assesses how climate variability and anthropogenic factors drive resource scarcity and conflict in Africa, focusing on the African Union's response and specific regional crises in the Lake Chad Basin, Lesotho, the Nile Basin, the Niger Delta, Tanzania, South Africa, Kenya, Botswana, and Uganda.

The author critiques the mainstream definition of organised crime, which often views it as a structured, culturally homogenous conspiracy. The paper introduces four models of criminal coordination—hierarchy, networks, markets, and clans—and argues that real-world criminal entities are often hybrids of these. It specifically examines the application of these views in the Southern African Development Community (SADC) region and suggests that the term 'illicit enterprise' better captures the continuum between legal and illegal business activities.

The NAP Global Network's Targeted Topics Forums (TTFs) are a series of workshops that bring together representatives from developing countries and development cooperation agencies to exchange lessons on technical aspects of the National Adaptation Planning (NAP) process. Unlike one-off workshops, TTFs use a sustained peer learning model, reconvening the same cohorts of international specialists to build a supportive community. Each forum is structured around three pillars: technical inputs from experts, relational opportunities for peer sharing, and reflexive opportunities for countries to apply inputs to their own contexts. Current focus areas include building political support, cross-sectoral integration, financing implementation, and monitoring and evaluation. The Network also provides a Country Support Hub for submitting questions and advice on the NAP process.

The Lamu County Bio-Cultural Community Protocol (BCP) is a communal document created by the Bajun, Swahili, Sanye, Aweer, and Orma communities to protect their ancestral lands and nature-based livelihoods. It details the diverse economic niches of these groups—including fishing, pastoralism, and hunting-gathering—and the traditional conservation methods they employ. The document strongly opposes the LAPSSET project and the Amu Power coal plant, citing a lack of free, prior, and informed consent, threats to biodiversity, and the risk of cultural erasure. It concludes by demanding legal recognition of community land rights and the adoption of renewable energy alternatives.

The provided text consists of the professional CVs and qualifications of a consultancy team proposed for the Environmental and Social Impact Assessment (ESIA) of gas exploratory drilling in Blocks L4 and L13 in Lamu County, Kenya. It details the expertise of five specialists: an ESIA specialist, a socio-economist, a hydrologist, an environmental chemist, and a GIS specialist, listing their academic backgrounds, professional affiliations, and extensive project histories in the energy, mining, and infrastructure sectors across East Africa and beyond.

The document provides a comprehensive overview of the safeguards and standards associated with Reducing Emissions from Deforestation and Forest Degradation (REDD+), focusing on the UNFCCC's Cancun Agreements and other frameworks like UN-REDD, REDD+ SES, and the World Bank's FCPF. It examines the risks REDD+ poses to forest-dependent communities—such as land grabbing and displacement—and the opportunities it offers for tenure reform and gender equality. The guide emphasizes the importance of Free, Prior, and Informed Consent (FPIC) and full stakeholder participation, while detailing the challenges of translating high-level international principles into enforceable national laws. It also provides practical advice for communities to engage in advocacy, monitor national processes, and utilize grievance mechanisms.

Between 2022 and 2024, the African Environmental Defenders Initiative documented 232 non-lethal attacks against environmental defenders, with 67% occurring in East Africa. Uganda was the most affected country, accounting for 42% of cases, largely driven by opposition to the East African Crude Oil Pipeline (EACOP). The report identifies government (34%) and multinational/investment companies (20%) as the primary perpetrators. Women defenders face specific gendered threats, including the withholding of sanitary products during detention and social stigmatization. The document also details country-specific conflicts, such as conservation-linked violence in Kenya, industrial mining in the DRC, and illegal logging in Madagascar, while highlighting the role of the African Environmental Defenders Fund in providing emergency legal and psychosocial support.

The document highlights the disproportionate risks faced by women environmental and human rights defenders (WEHRDs) in Africa, including gender-based violence, criminalization, and digital attacks. It notes a significant gap in data and reporting, with women often excluded from official statistics and protection mechanisms. The brief identifies the Democratic Republic of Congo as the deadliest country for environmental defenders and calls for gender-responsive funding, legal protections, and the formal recognition of WEHRDs' leadership within UNFCCC processes and national policies.

The document examines the gap between the IUCN's formal commitment to protect environmental defenders via Resolution 115 and the actual implementation of a global policy and action plan. It highlights the extreme risks faced by defenders globally and specifically in Africa, including gender-based violence against women defenders and the criminalization of activists. While noting a few regional projects and the importance of IUCN's public statements, the report argues that the organization remains largely reactive and lacks a systematic strategy, funding, and reporting mechanism to address the structural drivers of violence against those protecting nature.

The document highlights the disproportionate risks faced by women environmental and human rights defenders (WEHRDs) in Africa, including gender-based violence, criminalization, and digital attacks. It notes a significant gap in data collection, where official statistics underrepresent the scale of violence against women compared to men. The report identifies the extractive industry, poaching, and state security forces as primary sources of threats, particularly in countries like the Democratic Republic of Congo, Uganda, and Kenya. It argues that WEHRDs face unique intersectional vulnerabilities based on race, class, and disability, and calls for flexible, long-term funding and gender-sensitive legal and psychosocial support to protect these activists.

The document outlines a proposal by TotalEnergies, Shell, and PetroSA to drill up to five exploration wells in Block 5/6/7 off the coast of the Western Cape, South Africa. It argues that the project is unnecessary for energy security, contradicts South Africa's climate commitments to limit global warming to 1.5 degrees Celsius, and poses significant risks to marine biodiversity and local industries like fishing and tourism. The text also highlights the poor environmental and ethical track records of TotalEnergies and Shell in other African nations.

The handbook provides a comprehensive guide for African environmental and land rights defenders (ELRDs), detailing the threats they face—including SLAPP suits and gender-based violence—and the legal avenues available for redress. It outlines the roles of the African Commission and African Court on Human and Peoples' Rights, as well as sub-regional courts like the ECOWAS Community Court of Justice. The document emphasizes the vulnerability of women, youth, and Indigenous communities, and provides a directory of emergency funds and support organizations.

The document examines the African Union's (AU) unprecedented attempt to use military compellence against the government of Burundi in December 2015. After diplomatic efforts and targeted sanctions failed to stop violence against civilians, the AU Peace and Security Council (PSC) issued an ultimatum threatening a non-consensual military intervention under Article 4(h) of the AU Constitutive Act. The authors argue that this threat failed to materialise due to the Burundian government's strategic use of its status as a troop-contributing country, a lack of unity among AU member states, and a regional culture of autocracy where neighbouring leaders were reluctant to challenge the extension of presidential term limits.

The research evaluates three dimensions of state capacity—coercion (revenue extraction), co-optation (government spending), and cooperation (trust in institutions)—to determine their impact on the onset of civil war. Using a global dataset, the authors find that high government spending and trustworthy institutions (proxied by contract-intensive money) are significant predictors of civil peace, whereas coercive capacity (relative political capacity) has little predictive power when controlling for other factors. The findings suggest that civil peace is co-produced through social cooperation and the provision of public goods rather than through state repression.

The report finds that 2025 was the third most violent year since 1989, with 245,000 battle-related deaths. It highlights a record high of 65 state-based conflicts and a concerning doubling of international conflicts to eight in 2025. While non-state conflicts decreased slightly, one-sided violence surged to 76,500 fatalities, primarily driven by massacres in Sudan.

The document describes the DIADATA dataset, which lists diamond occurrences worldwide, including geographic coordinates, geological forms, and dates of discovery and production. It details the data collection process from academic, governmental, and industry sources, and explains the coding structure for variables such as geological form (primary, secondary, or marine) and production status. Additionally, it describes a 'compact version' of the dataset where sites within 50 km are aggregated into multipoints to reduce missing temporal data. The document includes detailed country profiles for 53 countries, outlining their diamond discovery and production histories.

The research demonstrates that states experiencing civil wars are significantly more likely to be involved in militarized interstate disputes (MIDs). Using data from 1946 to 2001, the authors find that this 'civil peace' effect is comparable in magnitude to the 'democratic peace' effect. Analysis of over 400 MIDs reveals that the increased risk is driven by states attempting to influence the outcome of civil wars through direct intervention, externalization (such as cross-border counter-insurgency), and unintended spillovers, rather than by opportunistic attacks on weakened states or diversionary wars to consolidate domestic power.

The authors use geo-coded data from 31 federal states to argue that both relatively rich and relatively poor regions are more prone to secessionist conflict than those with average wealth. The study also finds that the presence of politically excluded ethnic groups and the existence of regional autonomy further elevate the risk of violent secessionist conflict.