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The document advocates for the integration of 'clean firm power' like nuclear energy to complement variable renewables, citing land-use constraints and system costs. It identifies project management and lack of standardization as primary drivers of high nuclear costs and proposes a shift toward manufactured, standardized designs. Key policy recommendations include reforming NRC licensing fees, adopting consent-based siting for spent fuel, and repurposing retired fossil fuel sites.

The document is an open letter from a coalition of civil society organisations to the European Commission criticizing the revision process of the "nanomaterial" definition. The authors argue that the 2021 online consultation was rushed and lacked clarity, potentially leading to a definition that excludes substances covered by the 2011 recommendation. They highlight risks such as the under-registration of nanomaterials in REACH and the presence of unauthorised nanomaterials in consumer products. The signatories demand that the Commission justify modifications with real-world examples, conduct transparent public Q&A sessions, and align the definition with the latest scientific evidence, citing EFSA guidance on particle size thresholds.

The report examines the intersection of private market capital and municipal sustainability efforts in Sweden, noting that while capital access is not currently a primary constraint, systemic barriers hinder the transition.

In 2021, EU-27 electricity demand nearly returned to 2019 levels, with renewables reaching a record 1068 TWh and accounting for 37% of production. A critical shift occurred in the second half of 2021 when soaring gas prices made fossil gas more expensive than coal, leading new renewable output to predominantly replace gas rather than coal. While wind and solar output hit record highs (547 TWh), overall power sector emissions fell by an average of 2.5% per year since 2019, which is less than half the 6% annual decline required to align with a 1.5C pathway. Nuclear power continued a long-term structural decline, accounting for 26% of production in 2021.

The EU ETS is a 'cap and trade' system covering power, industry, and aviation across the EU and several other European nations. While it has successfully reduced emissions in the power sector, the document argues that free allocation of permits has led to stagnant industrial emissions and significant windfall profits for companies. The guide details the role of the Market Stability Reserve in managing oversupply and discusses the proposed Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism as a potential replacement for carbon leakage protections.

The European Electricity Review 2022 identifies a 'paradigm shift' in the EU power sector where soaring gas prices in 2021 led new renewable energy to replace fossil gas instead of coal. While wind and solar reached record generation of 547 TWh in 2021, overall power sector emissions declined at less than half the rate required to meet 1.5°C targets. The report highlights that coal phase-outs are stalling in some regions, such as Poland, and that the structural decline of nuclear power is further slowing decarbonization by forcing renewables to replace lost nuclear capacity rather than fossil fuels.

The document outlines the financial landscape for nine Swedish cities—Gothenburg, Linköping, Lund, Malmö, Nacka, Örebro, Östersund, Västerås, and Vellinge—stating that achieving climate neutrality would require at least 19,271 SEK per capita per year until 2030. It details municipal funding inflows, including taxes, subsidies, and debt, and distinguishes between on-balance sheet investments (equity and debt) and off-balance sheet options like blended finance and crowdfunding. A significant focus is placed on green bonds, with the nine cities having issued 52 such bonds to raise 31.2 billion SEK for projects like renewable energy and clean transportation.

The document analyzes the EU's proposed Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism (CBAM), which aims to prevent carbon leakage by imposing a carbon price on imports in sectors like iron, steel, cement, aluminum, fertilizers, and electricity. It specifically examines the phase-out of free EU ETS allowances, the exclusion of export rebates, the scope of emissions (direct vs. indirect), and the crediting of third-country climate policies. Swedish stakeholders are divided: industry groups generally fear competitiveness losses due to the lack of export rebates and the exclusion of Scope 2 emissions, while environmental groups advocate for a faster phase-out of free allowances.

The Stockholm Environment Institute argues that current global efforts are inadequate, highlighting a significant 'production gap' where fossil fuel plans exceed 1.5°C limits. The report emphasizes the need for 'just resilience' in adaptation, the urgent requirement for dedicated loss and damage financing, and the necessity of aligning financial flows with low-emission pathways while ensuring equity for developing nations.

The report examines 15 agreements across five Sami communities in Sweden involving various land-use activities. While some agreements include positive elements like profit-sharing or the ability to shut down operations for reindeer husbandry, many lack meaningful compensation for lost grazing land and often include clauses that favor developers, such as unilateral termination rights or requirements for unpaid Sami expertise. The study concludes that Sami communities should push for more ambitious terms, drawing on international examples from Canada and Australia, to better protect their rights and reindeer welfare.

The document advocates for a 'green feminist foreign policy' for the EU that moves beyond basic gender equality to an intersectional approach. It criticizes the current male-dominated culture of the European External Action Service (EEAS) and the limitations of the Gender Action Plan III (GAP III). The author proposes systemic changes, including mandatory training, gender-responsive budgeting, and the inclusion of marginalized groups in climate and security decision-making, citing Sweden's pioneering model as a reference.

The report identifies a lack of coherence between the coding systems used for procurement (such as UNSPSC and CPV) and those used for reporting (such as OECD DAC CRS and IATI). This fragmentation creates barriers for innovators attempting to enter the humanitarian and development markets, as it is difficult to track what products are being procured and how they are reported. The authors recommend harmonizing reporting formats, clarifying stakeholder responsibilities, and developing user-friendly platforms to match solution providers with donor needs.

The Committee on the Rights of the Child (CRC) has increased its focus on climate change in State reviews, shifting from a primary focus on developing nations to a balanced approach including developed countries. Key areas of concern include adaptation, child participation, and a growing emphasis on mitigation obligations, specifically targeting fossil fuel subsidies and emissions in the transport and aviation sectors. The CRC is also increasingly scrutinizing the role of financial institutions in funding fossil fuels. Legally, the CRC established in the Sacchi et al. v. Argentina, Brazil, France, Germany, and Turkey case that it has jurisdiction over transboundary harm if a causal link exists between a State's emissions and the impairment of children's rights abroad, although the specific claim was dismissed on procedural grounds for failing to exhaust domestic remedies.

The CESCR referenced climate change in 81% of its state reporting outputs in 2020 and 2021, focusing on mitigation policies, extractive activities, climate finance, and adaptation measures. The Committee specifically urged developed states to increase the ambition of their emissions targets and questioned the compatibility of continued fossil fuel use with human rights obligations. Additionally, the CESCR addressed the 'right to science' in General Comment No. 25 and developed a draft General Comment on Land, emphasizing the nexus between land rights and the climate emergency.

The report analyzes the 2020-2021 outputs of seven UN Human Rights Treaty Bodies (HRTBs), noting a significant increase in climate-related references despite COVID-19 disruptions. It highlights a shift toward questioning developed nations on mitigation and fossil fuel extraction, alongside a consistent focus on adaptation and the participation of vulnerable groups. The document also examines key individual communications, such as Teitiota v. New Zealand and Sacchi et al. v. Argentina et al., which establish precedents for climate-induced human rights violations and extraterritorial jurisdiction.

The report presents survey data from 108,946 Facebook users worldwide, revealing high global levels of worry and belief that climate change is happening, though perceptions of its causes and the responsibility for action vary significantly by region. While there is widespread support for renewable energy and the belief that climate action will not harm economic growth, willingness to engage in organized climate activism remains low in most regions, with a notable exception in Sub-Saharan Africa.

The document examines the 'polycrisis' affecting Europe, where the cost of living crisis is driven by a combination of the pandemic, Russia's invasion of Ukraine, and long-term neoliberal policies. It analyzes the disproportionate impact on young people, women, and the elderly, while exploring systemic failures in energy, housing, and food systems. The authors advocate for 'energy sobriety', the re-municipalisation of water, the expansion of social housing, and the revitalization of trade unions as essential steps toward a Green New Deal that ensures social justice and ecological sustainability.

The research analyzes external voting data from parliamentary and presidential elections for migrants from Bulgaria, Czech Republic, Lithuania, Latvia, Poland, and Romania living in 17 European host countries. It employs the Pedersen index to measure the discrepancy between diaspora and domestic voting results and uses V-dem Party database dimensions to assess ideological differences. The findings generally indicate that diaspora voters are more liberal, less populist, and more economically right-wing than domestic voters, though their voting trends often mirror the dynamics of their countries of origin. The report also notes that the size and influence of these voting blocs are increasing, with the Bulgarian diaspora having the highest relative impact on national election results.

The brief examines gender representation among individuals invited to brief the UN Security Council between 2015 and 2021. While the period remained male-dominated overall, the proportion of male briefers fell from 77% in 2015 to 52% in 2021. Women are more frequently represented when briefing as members of civil society organizations (CSOs) or government institutions, whereas men dominate the UN system and other multilateral organizations. The authors note a positive trend in the consultation of women's CSOs, which have moved from being primarily invited to thematic Women, Peace and Security (WPS) debates to briefing on a wider array of country-specific issues, including Afghanistan, Colombia, the DRC, Libya, and Mali.

The document argues that the war in Ukraine is causing a diversion of development aid from the Global South. This occurs through three primary mechanisms: the use of the OECD '12-month-rule' to count domestic refugee-hosting costs as ODA, the reallocation of national budgets toward increased military and defence spending, and the anticipation of massive post-war reconstruction costs in Ukraine. The authors warn that this shift undermines the quality and extent of aid, potentially leaving root causes of instability in vulnerable regions unaddressed.