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The report examines the role of risk mitigation and transfer (RMT) instruments in supporting utility-scale wind and solar projects in East Africa. Through six case studies, it finds that while RMT tools—such as political risk insurance, guarantees, and blended finance—are essential for reaching financial close, risks remain high due to macroeconomic instability, currency volatility, and utility financial strain. The analysis highlights a 'start-stop cycle' in countries like Kenya, where rapid deployment led to overcapacity and subsequent government moratoriums on new contracts. Conversely, the GET FiT program in Uganda is presented as a successful model of systematic de-risking through transparent procurement and institutional support.

The policy brief examines how water scarcity empowers non-state armed groups, delegitimizes state authority, and fuels transboundary disputes, while proposing that the US utilize its technological leadership and mediation experience to maintain geopolitical stability.

The report analyzes climate adaptation projects in Afghanistan, the DRC, Haiti, the Horn of Africa, Mexico, Myanmar, and Papua New Guinea. It finds that while insecurity often leads to risk-averse site selection and implementation delays, projects that integrate conflict-climate nexus analysis and prioritize bottom-up, community-led approaches can mitigate conflict and foster peace. The authors recommend flexible implementation, holistic monitoring and evaluation, and the explicit inclusion of conflict mitigation in project objectives to avoid maladaptation and 'backdraft'.

The report examines climate adaptation in Afghanistan, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Haiti, the Horn of Africa, Mexico, Myanmar, and Papua New Guinea. It finds that while instability often leads to risk-averse site selection and implementation delays, projects that integrate conflict-sensitivity and community-led approaches can mitigate these challenges and potentially contribute to peacebuilding. The analysis highlights the necessity of flexible implementation, the use of fragility assessments, and the importance of addressing root causes of vulnerability to avoid maladaptation and 'backdraft'—unforeseen negative spillover effects.

The report analyzes maritime security in the Western Indian Ocean (WIO), emphasizing that threats like climate change, illegal fishing, and piracy are interconnected. It highlights the risks of increasing militarisation by global powers and the environmental dangers of rerouting shipping around the Cape of Good Hope due to Red Sea instability.

The report examines the impact of declining official development assistance (ODA) on Africa's energy sector, noting a 10% drop in ODA flows since 2020. It argues that this funding gap, particularly severe in the energy sector, necessitates a shift toward private capital and domestic savings, which currently stand at 18% in Sub-Saharan Africa compared to a 36% global average. The document identifies structural inefficiencies in state-run utilities—where transmission and distribution losses cost the continent approximately 5 billion USD annually—as a primary barrier to progress. To achieve energy independence and industrial growth, the report recommends strengthening regional integration via the African Continental Free Trade Agreement to expand fragmented energy markets and diversifying away from expensive thermal generation. Ultimately, it calls for an energy agenda led by African nations rather than external funders in Washington, Brussels, or Beijing, treating energy investment as a development multiplier that could unlock market opportunities of nearly 12 trillion USD across four key sectors.

The report identifies a significant 'take-off' in solar panel imports to Africa, with imports from China rising 60% to 15,032 MW in the 12 months to June 2025. This growth is widespread, with 20 countries setting new import records and 25 countries importing at least 100 MW. The report suggests this surge may be driven by distributed solar, potentially replacing expensive diesel generation and significantly increasing electricity supply in several countries, such as Sierra Leone and Chad.

A Global Witness investigation reveals that 17 of the world's least developed countries and largest US aid recipients have signed lobbying contracts worth over $21 million since November 2024. The report highlights a trend where nations facing humanitarian crises and aid freezes—such as Pakistan, the DRC, and Somalia—are bartering preferential access to critical minerals, oil, gas, and strategic ports for US political or military assistance. Many of these deals involve firms and individuals closely linked to Donald Trump's inner circle, creating a transactional 'America First' dynamic that Global Witness argues risks resource exploitation in fragile, conflict-affected states.

The assessment finds that while Somalia is modernizing its legal framework through the 2019 National Minerals Resources Policy and new environmental laws, its mining sector remains predominantly informal and artisanal. Key strengths include a clear fiscal regime for extractives and strong political will to align with international standards. However, significant gaps persist, including an outdated 1984 Mining Code, a lack of a comprehensive mining cadaster, unknown levels of artisanal and small-scale mining (ASM) activity, and the cultural exclusion of women from the sector. The report recommends enacting a new Mining Bill, establishing a robust mining inspectorate, and developing a formalization roadmap for ASM.

The document analyzes the effects of Executive Order 14257, which introduced a 10% universal tariff and higher country-specific tariffs (11% to 50%) on imports to the U.S. While mineral-exporting nations may find relief through exemptions for critical minerals, countries like Lesotho and Madagascar face severe economic risks, particularly in textiles. The authors discuss the precarious future of the Africa Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA) and advocate for a coordinated continental strategy via the African Union and the African Continental Free Trade Area to mitigate these trade disruptions.

The report confirms that the FP211 Hardest-to-Reach programme is classified as ESS Category I-2 and has established an Environmental and Social Management System (ESMS). This system, which includes a Land Acquisition and Resettlement Policy and Guidance on Indigenous Peoples, is disclosed in English, French, Portuguese, and Arabic. The ESMS is available at Acumen's offices in Kenya and Nigeria, as well as at the Nationally Designated Authority offices in the target countries. An updated version of the ESMS was released on June 30, 2025, to provide more detail on investing strategy and safeguarding roles, and to include Liberia in the programme scope.

Turkey is aggressively expanding its presence in Africa's critical minerals sector to support its domestic defence, electric vehicle, and renewable energy industries. While Turkey employs a pragmatic, commercially driven approach—often coupling mining with defence cooperation in volatile regions like the Sahel—the paper argues that aligning Turkish commercial agility with EU financial instruments and ESG standards through the Minerals Security Partnership (MSP) could create more sustainable, trilateral value chains that benefit African host nations.

The document argues that current development and climate finance is insufficient to meet the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) and the Paris Agreement, noting a $4 trillion annual investment gap for SDG implementation in developing countries. It promotes the work of the Global Solidarity Levy Task Force (GSLTF), which has proposed 16 levy options targeting undertaxed sectors responsible for carbon emissions, including aviation, fossil fuels, and financial transactions. The GSLTF estimates that these levies could potentially generate over $500 billion in annual revenue, with specific examples such as a 0.1% levy on trading stocks and bonds potentially raising $418 billion. The brief calls for developing countries to engage in the design and assessment of these levies to ensure equitable access to funds, as the recovery of these taxes generally occurs through individual national tax systems, leaving the allocation of grants to developing countries to the discretion of developed nations.

The document outlines the work of the Global Solidarity Levy Task Force (GSLTF) in developing 16 tax options targeting undertaxed, high-emission sectors to bridge the trillion-dollar financing gap for Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) and the Paris Agreement. It highlights the potential for these levies to generate over $500 billion in annual revenue and calls for developing countries to engage in the design and assessment of these mechanisms to ensure equitable access to funds. The brief details the GSLTF's efforts to build political momentum through international forums and its submission to the Baku to Belém Roadmap to support the New Collective Quantified Goal on Climate Finance.

The document evaluates the BMZ's Feminist Development Policy (FDP), noting progress in institutional training and specific projects in Rwanda and Tunisia, while critiquing the lack of concrete anti-colonial strategies and contradictions between feminist rhetoric and Germany's arms exports.

The World Association for Christian Communication (WACC) calls for a fundamental reassessment of the international development model, which it describes as a colonial project. Amidst declining foreign aid from the United States and Europe, WACC advocates for a 'post-aid world' centered on communication justice, democratic data ownership, and the prioritization of national actors and Indigenous knowledge over Northern agendas.

Between 2020 and 2024, climate change increased the number of 'pregnancy heat-risk days'—days exceeding the 95th percentile of local temperatures—in every analyzed country. In 90% of countries and 63% of cities, these risk days at least doubled compared to a world without climate change. The most significant increases occurred in developing regions, particularly the Caribbean, where 15 countries saw an average of at least 60 additional risk days annually, representing roughly one-fifth of a typical pregnancy. Beyond heat, the report notes that climate-driven air pollution, flooding, and infrastructure damage further threaten maternal health and birth outcomes.

The East African Community (EAC) has expanded its membership to include the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) and Somalia, aiming to increase its geopolitical influence and market size. However, this growth strains the bloc's institutional capacity, particularly regarding financial sustainability, bureaucratic efficiency, and the harmonisation of economic policies among fragile states. The inclusion of conflict-prone members introduces significant security risks, though it also provides opportunities for collective regional stability and trade integration through frameworks like the COMESA-EAC-SADC Tripartite Free Trade Area Agreement.

The document analyzes pandemic preparedness in Africa, categorizing nations into scientifically advanced, policy-advanced, and fragile states. It argues that while global actors like the WHO promote standardized frameworks and securitization, these often clash with local needs for long-term health system strengthening. The author highlights a disconnect where funding is directed toward reactionary measures and 'pre-approved studies' rather than sustainable infrastructure, particularly in authoritarian or fragile states.

The Green Climate Fund (GCF) proposal, implemented by the UNDP, seeks USD 103.25 million in grants to advance the 'Early Warnings for All' (EW4All) initiative across seven vulnerable countries. The project focuses on four pillars: disaster risk knowledge, observation and forecasting, warning dissemination, and preparedness and response. It aims to reach millions of direct and indirect beneficiaries by upgrading hydrometeorological infrastructure, implementing AI-driven forecasting, and establishing inclusive, last-mile communication protocols, with a strong emphasis on gender and disability inclusion.