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The document details a seminar presentation by Chief Superintendent Vance B Gariba and a response by Dr Emmanuel Kisiangani regarding the African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM). It examines the historical context of Somalia's instability, the mandate and achievements of AMISOM—including the training of over 2,000 Somali police—and the systemic failures of the Transitional Federal Government (TFG). The discussion highlights critical gaps in AMISOM's mandate, such as the lack of civilian protection, and suggests that long-term stability requires transformative institutional building and potential political engagement with Al Shabaab leaders.

The Fourth African Commanders' Conference (ACoC), held from November 1-3, 2010, in Jinja, Uganda, focused on enhancing the effectiveness of African Peace Support Operations (PSOs) and the African Standby Force (ASF). The conference emphasized the need for 'commonalité' in military education and training across African staff colleges to improve interoperability. Key discussions addressed the multidimensional nature of PSOs, highlighting the critical roles of civilian and police components, and the necessity of coordination between Regional Economic Communities (RECs). The conference reviewed the 'Exercise Uhuru' (SADC) and ECOWAS joint exercises as models for operational planning. A significant portion of the proceedings focused on the ACoC's sustainability, specifically the need to diversify funding beyond the UK government and to seek official recognition from the African Union (AU). The conference concluded with decisions to draft a formal Memorandum of Understanding for staff colleges and to pursue the establishment of a pan-African staff college, with Libya taking a lead role in the proposal.

The report analyzes how the Somali diaspora, estimated at 1-1.5 million people, supports its country of origin through private remittances, collective fundraising, and private investment. It highlights the critical role of the 'hawala' money transfer system and the significant impact of diaspora-funded social services in education and health. The document argues that while the diaspora is a vital lifeline, its effectiveness is hindered by security concerns, counter-terrorism regulations in host countries, and a lack of coordination. It recommends that the UN act as a facilitator by providing matching funds, improving the regulatory environment for transfers, and expanding professional return programs like QUESTS/MIDA.

The document presents results from a pilot study of 177 armed conflict actors in 20 African countries. It finds that sexual violence is often indiscriminate, frequently committed by state armies, and can persist in post-conflict periods or years with low killing rates. The study emphasizes that sexual violence is not an inevitable part of war, as many actors do not engage in it, and recommends improved reporting mechanisms and targeted interventions to reduce its occurrence.

The report examines South Africa's 2011–2012 tenure on the UN Security Council, highlighting the tension between its aspirations for permanent membership and the rigidities of the Ezulwini Consensus. It analyzes global power shifts, specifically the decline of US omnipotence and the rise of China, and identifies key thematic priorities for South Africa, including the UN-AU relationship on peacebuilding, the 'peace versus justice' debate regarding the ICC and Article 16, holistic counter-terrorism strategies, and nuclear non-proliferation. The document argues that South Africa must balance its identity as a global actor with its leadership role in Africa to effectively influence an anachronistic Council.

The 4th African Conference of Commandants, held in November 2010 in Uganda, focused on enhancing the efficiency of multinational peace support operations (PSOs) in Africa. The conference aimed to harmonize civilian, police, and military functions to support the African Standby Force (ASF). Delegates reviewed the status of multidimensionality in peacekeeping, analyzed the African Union Mission in Somalia, and developed a strategy to consolidate previous workplans for the coming year.

The document argues that Africa is disproportionately vulnerable to climate change despite being among the lightest polluters. It highlights critical threats to water and food security, the potential for climate change to act as a 'threat multiplier' for conflict, and the urgent need for improved climate information and financial compensation from developed nations for adaptation.

The document examines the rise of Private Military and Security Companies (PMSCs) and the challenges they pose to state monopolies on force. It argues that while PMSCs offer specialized skills and logistical support that could enhance African peacekeeping and Security Sector Reform (SSR), a critical lack of a binding international legal framework leads to accountability gaps and human rights abuses. The author distinguishes PMSCs from mercenaries and advocates for a supportive, non-offensive role for these companies, regulated by international law to prevent impunity.

The study examines the tension between combating financial crimes—such as money laundering and terrorist financing—and maintaining the speed, low cost, and accessibility of informal remittance systems like Hawala. It contrasts 'registration' regimes (UK, Sweden) with 'licensing' regimes (Germany, Netherlands, Norway), finding that more lenient registration frameworks generally lead to lower consumer prices and higher market accessibility. The paper also analyzes the impact of the EU Payment Services Directive (PSD) and argues that IVTS are highly integrated with the formal economy, suggesting that a 'light touch' regulatory approach is most effective for bringing these systems into the formal sphere.

The document critiques the African Union's (AU) decision to increase AMISOM forces from approximately 6,300 to 8,000 troops following Al-Shabaab bombings in Kampala in July 2010. It argues that the mission lacks the resources and political support necessary to succeed, noting that the Transitional Federal Government (TFG) lacks national legitimacy. Drawing parallels to failures in Afghanistan and previous UN missions in Somalia, the authors suggest that military intervention alone cannot resolve the crisis. They recommend a holistic strategy centered on an all-inclusive political process involving Al-Shabaab, Hizbul Islam, Puntland, and Somaliland, alongside the involvement of regional actors like Ethiopia and Eritrea, before transferring the mandate to a fully resourced UN mission.

The report details a two-day conference in Nairobi focused on the integration of the private security sector into African peacekeeping. It examines the shift from 'combat' roles to 'non-core' military functions, the tension between state monopolies on force and the efficiency of private contractors, and the urgent need for binding international regulatory frameworks to replace non-binding guidelines like the Montreux Document.

The Pilot Project Pakistan (PPP), launched in 2008, tested a model to support Norwegian-Pakistani organizations that did not meet standard Norad funding requirements. The project utilized a dual-resource structure with a secretariat in Norway (Development Fund and Norwegian Church Aid) and a resource organization in Pakistan (Sungi) to provide capacity building, project guidance, and monitoring. The review found that the PPP successfully increased the development impact of diaspora initiatives and fostered the inclusion of diaspora groups in Norwegian society. Key successes included the transition of some participants to regular Norad funding and the creation of networking synergies. However, challenges remained regarding the 50-50 funding ratio, the need for better needs-assessments for training, and the vulnerability of local partners to staff turnover. The report recommends establishing a long-term resource centre for diaspora organizations to provide ongoing competence building and coordination.

The document provides a comprehensive review of India's involvement in UN peacekeeping missions in Africa, from the 1960 Congo crisis to missions in the 21st century. It identifies a shift in India's motivations from Cold War-era non-alignment and anti-colonial solidarity toward a strategic desire for global recognition and a permanent seat on the UN Security Council. The author details specific missions in countries such as Angola, Somalia, and Sierra Leone, highlighting both the humanitarian successes and the operational failures or controversies encountered. It concludes that India is likely to adopt a more cost-effective, case-by-case approach to future African peacekeeping to better serve its national interests.

The author contends that South Africa is experiencing a retrenchment of its global diplomatic ambition under President Zuma, characterized by a lack of policy clarity and a 'managerial lacuna' within the government. While acknowledging the institutional legacy of the African Union left by former President Mbeki, the text warns that continental crises—including climate change, energy insecurity, and water stress—require decisive leadership that is currently absent. The author calls for greater policy coherence between the Department of International Relations and Co-Operation (DIRCO) and other state organs and the private sector, suggesting that DIRCO must modernize its diplomatic skills to include environmental and economic literacy to drive domestic growth.

The document analyzes the African Standby Force (ASF) as a critical component of the African Peace and Security Architecture (APSA). It argues that while the ASF is designed to provide a rapid, multidimensional response to African crises—including the right to intervene in cases of war crimes, genocide, and crimes against humanity—its effectiveness is severely hindered by gaps in funding, logistics, administrative capacity, and political will. The author concludes that the ASF is unlikely to meet its projected 2010 operational capabilities and will likely have a modest impact on complex conflicts in the short to medium term.

The document outlines the value added by diaspora engagement, such as context-specific knowledge and access to high-risk areas, while addressing challenges like community fragmentation and politicization. It provides a framework for capacity-building, funding, and recruitment to better integrate diasporas into mainstream development and peacebuilding efforts.

The briefing assesses the failure of the Djibouti reconciliation process and the subsequent dysfunction of the Transitional Federal Government (TFG) under President Sheikh Sharif Sheikh Ahmed. It critiques the international community for relying on a simplistic 'moderates versus extremists' binary and a counter-terrorist framework that ignores Somali factionalism and the complexities of groups like Shabaab. The author contends that the TFG is perceived as a tool of foreign interests and is plagued by internal corruption and leadership weaknesses. The document recommends moving away from military solutions and instead engaging the broader armed opposition and all sectors of Somali society to achieve lasting peace.

The document analyzes the protracted conflict in Somalia, tracing its origins to colonial divisions and the subsequent collapse of the state in 1991. It examines the role of clan politics, the rise of religious fundamentalism through groups like al Shaabab, and the influence of regional actors, particularly Ethiopia. The author argues that the current Transitional Federal Government (TFG) remains militarily weak and lacks internal legitimacy, while the African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM) is under-resourced. The paper recommends a comprehensive approach to peace that includes expanding the Djibouti process to include al Shaabab, addressing the security concerns of neighboring states, and deploying a robust UN peacekeeping force to replace AMISOM.

The document reports that pastoral communities in Ethiopia's Borana and Somali zones are facing unprecedented climate variability, including increasing temperatures and drought frequency, which are rendering traditional coping strategies ineffective. It identifies significant barriers to adaptation, such as land degradation, resource conflicts, and limited access to information and financial services. The brief recommends that the Ethiopian government protect pastoral land, improve weather information sharing, and enhance social safety nets. It advises civil society to integrate climate projections into programming and leverage traditional knowledge, while urging international donors to provide funding flexibility for climate emergencies.

The document assesses the role of human rights in African international relations, arguing that while the continent has established significant monitoring bodies and ratified treaties, human rights often remain a "variable concern" subordinated to national interests and geopolitical strategies. It highlights the influence of "African solutions to African problems" in conflict resolution and the impact of China's non-interference policy as an alternative to Western conditionality. The author concludes that for human rights to be central to foreign policy, African states must develop a unified continental approach that harmonizes trade, security, and justice while adhering to agreed-upon democratic standards.